• <tr id="yyy80"></tr>
  • <sup id="yyy80"></sup>
  • <tfoot id="yyy80"><noscript id="yyy80"></noscript></tfoot>
  • 99热精品在线国产_美女午夜性视频免费_国产精品国产高清国产av_av欧美777_自拍偷自拍亚洲精品老妇_亚洲熟女精品中文字幕_www日本黄色视频网_国产精品野战在线观看 ?

    Sino-American Nuclear Dialogue: Retrospect and Prospect

    2011-08-15 00:42:21TengJianqun
    China International Studies 2011年3期

    Teng Jianqun

    Sino-American Nuclear Dialogue: Retrospect and Prospect

    Teng Jianqun

    The multi-level dialogue between China and the United States in the nuclear field has played a significant role in promoting mutual understanding and trust of the two sides in this area and in stabilizing the strategic relationship between them. The evolution of the international security situation has assigned new content to this dialogue: The United States, beginning to worry about the orientation of China’s nuclear weapons modernization after cutting a large number of its nuclear weapons and concluding the new START treaty with Russia, has been eager to conduct nuclear dialogues with China, raising such requests as China’s nuclear transparency and proposing to conduct nuclear arms reduction talks between the two countries as that between the United States and the Soviet Union during the Cold War period, while China maintains that there is no substantial change in its policy on nuclear development and nuclear disarmament, its nuclear strategy and the composition of its nuclear force, and hence it is impossible for China to go further in nuclear transparency and other aspects.

    I. The Evolution of Sino-American Nuclear Dialogue

    Sino-American nuclear dialogue is conducted on two levels: theofficial and non-official. The non-official dialogue is further divided into the purely academic track II dialogue and the 1.5 track dialogue sponsored by the non-governmental organizations with the participation of government officials. Practice in the past shows that the U.S. side is more inclined to take the “upper-level line”, hoping to upgrade the nuclear dialogue onto the official level or even include it into the high-level strategic dialogue between the two countries while China is more cautious on the matter, believing that the nuclear dialogue between the two countries covers a wide range of topics and hence it will be more feasible to proceed from the lower to the higher level and from technical matters to policy issues. Such a disparity in the line is attributable to differences in their respective national conditions as well as objectives they wish to achieve through the dialogue.

    The non-official nuclear dialogue between the two countries began in the 1980s when scholars in universities and research institutes concerned in China started to have contacts with their counterparts in the United States to probe into matters like the role of nuclear weapons, nuclear strategy and nuclear relationship between China and the United States. Not only these universities and research institutes in China held seminars on the nuclear issue and specialists in the field published monologues and papers but they also ran study classes on nuclear arms control and nuclear disarmament whose participants included both scholars and government officials. Until now, it remains rare that such NGO-sponsored nuclear dialogue has evolved into an established mechanism.

    Later on, official nuclear dialogue between China and the United States was included into the exchange programs of the two countries. On October 19, 2005, the then U.S. Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld visited the headquarters and command post of the Second Artillery Force of the Chinese People’s Liberation Army, who became the first ever foreign guest received by this army unit in 39 years since its inception. This visit, which was a piece of news causing a sensation, was described by the U.S. officials who accompanied Rumsfeld as“historic”, for the Americans saw what they longed to see all along. General Qin Zhiyuan, commander of the unit, told Rumsfeld that reports alleging China’s strategic missiles were targeted at certain countries were groundless and he reiterated China’s commitment of no first use of nuclear weapons. Though the visit is more symbolic in meaning, it nevertheless shows that the Chinese government is willing to have exchanges with the U.S. government on nuclear-related issues.

    During Chinese President Hu Jintao’s visit to the United States in April 2006, President Bush took the initiative to propose to have nuclear dialogues with China. The two leaders agreed to launch official exchanges on the nuclear issue between the two countries. James E. Cartwright, commander of the U.S. Strategic Command, invited General Qin Zhiyuan to visit the Command as guest. Carolyn Bartholomew, chair of the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission, commented that the Commission proposed to conduct strategic level military dialogues between China and the United States so as to make sure that the two sides could know the bottom line of each side.

    In April 2008, the first round of official nuclear dialogue between China and the United States was held in Washington. The militaries of the two countries sent delegates to the meeting. No breakthrough results were achieved in this round of talks. Viewed as a whole, the U.S. side, eager to have nuclear dialogue with China, hopes to know more details of China’s nuclear weapons situation. There are at least three topics that the two sides are concerned with: nuclear deterrence, nuclear transparency, and nuclear disarmament.

    II. The Three Topics in Sino-American Nuclear Dialogue

    1. Nuclear deterrence.

    Whether there is nuclear deterrence between China and the United States is always a controversial issue in the academic circle. Some scholars maintain that mutual deterrence between the two countries is a fact as both sides have nuclear weapons and pose as rivals to each other. Others hold that in the initial years since the founding of New China, China did not have nuclear weapons and the United States did not dare to wage nuclear strikes against China and hence it was not nuclear weapons that had deterred the United States from using nuclear weapons. At present, there is a huge disparity in the nuclear strength between the two countries, and the deterrence capability of China’s nuclear force is quite limited.

    Divergence is also demonstrated on the respective official expositions of nuclear deterrence. China regards nuclear capability as an art and means to avoid war and maintain peace and believes that deterrence plays a significant role in insuring national security, especially in avoiding nuclear wars. China proclaims that its nuclear strategy is subordinate to and in service of the country’s nuclear policy and military strategy, and its objective is to ensure that China will not be subjected to the use or threat to use of nuclear weapons by other countries. At the beginning, China did not like the word “deterrence” as it was always associated with imperialist blackmail and aggression. The white paper China: Arms Control and Disarmament issued in 1995 pointed out: “The Chinese government has from the beginning opposed nuclear blackmail and the nuclear deterrence policy.” In 1996, China put forth a 5-point proposition at the 51st Session of the UN General Assembly and one of which is for the nuclear powers to give up their nuclear deterrence policy. In the late 1990s, China’s attitude toward nuclear deterrence saw notable change. The white paper China’s National Defence in 2002 pointed out that China’s lean and effective nuclear counterattack capability was to deter other countries from launching possible nuclear strikes against China and that any such actions would lead to retaliatory nuclear counter-attacks by China. It also said that China’s nuclear weapons were small in number, and their scale, structural composition and development were consistent with China’s military strategy of active defense. The white papers issued later on further stressed that China’s limited nuclear counter-offensive capability was to deter other countries from waging possible nuclear attacks against China and the main task of the Second Artillery Force was to deter other countries from using nuclear weapons against China and carry out nuclear counter attacks and routine missile precision strikes.

    Compared with China, the United States is clear-cut but changeable in its definition of nuclear deterrence. The National Security Strategy report issued in 1991 on the eve of the end of the Cold War wrote in this way: “Deter any aggression that could threaten the security of the United States and its allies, and—should deterrence fail—repel or defeat military attack and end conflict in terms favorable to the United States, its interests and its allies.” In the eyes of the Americans, threatening the Soviet Union with nuclear weapons was a major means to ensure for America’s national security. In fact, during the Cold War, only the United States and the Soviet Union could have mutual nuclear deterrence against each other. The 2002 National Security Strategy wrote that nuclear deterrence in its traditional sense could no longer cope with those terrorists with openly declared unrestricted tactics. The 2006 National Security Strategy report maintained: “Safe, credible, and reliable nuclear forces continue to play a critical role. We are strengthening deterrence by developing a New Triad composed of offensive strike systems (both nuclear and improved conventional capabilities); active and passive defenses, including missile defenses; and a responsive infrastructure.” The United States has extended“deterrence” into the realm of conventional arms featuring combination of nuclear and conventional forces, integration of offensive and defensive capabilities, and versatility. The United States is ready to attack its enemy at any place.

    U.S. President Obama intends to build a world without nuclear weapons but the United States has not given up nuclear deterrence. In January 2010, Dr.Kissinger and three other senior political figures published an article telling people how to “maintain America’s nuclear deterrence”, saying that the United States should take two parallel paths, one was to reduce nuclear danger by maintaining deterrence and the other was to prevent proliferation through arms control and international cooperation. The National Security Strategy report issued in May 2010 pointed out that the United States would reiterate deterrence, which includes not only military means but also diplomatic actions. The new report attached importance to regional deterrence, pointing out that the United States would reinforce the posture of regional deterrence, such as stage-by-stage and flexible missile defense programs, with the aim of letting the regional adversaries know that acquisition of new offensive military capabilities would bring no benefit.

    It is undeniable that China and the United States share some similarities in their understanding and application of nuclear deterrence; for instance, they both think that nuclear deterrence is the means but not the aim to achieve the purpose of avoiding war. However, there are essential differences between them: 1) The targets of U.S. deterrence are all countries hostile to it while that of China are potential nuclear weapon countries. 2) U.S. deterrence is multi-layered which includes strategic deterrence and regional deterrence (extended deterrence) and undertakes to protect its allies and friends apart from its own territory while Chinese deterrence is only for defending its own homeland. 3) China’s purpose in applying nuclear deterrence is to avoid nuclear attacks against it while the United States is ready to use nuclear weapons once it is assaulted by biological weapons. 4) The U.S. deterrence is labeled as defensive, but whether from the point of deployment or theory of combat, the nuclear weapons of the United States have a capability of preemptive attack while China’s nuclear force, which keeps a low state of alertness, is not directed against any country and will be used only in second attack. Because of the divergences in the understanding and application of nuclear deterrence, scholars and officials of the two countries often have disputes over nuclear deterrence in nuclear dialogues at various levels.

    2. Nuclear transparency.

    Transparency is the word with the highest frequency of occurrence in nuclear dialogues between China and the United States. The United States maintains that transparency is an important hallmark of stability in international relations. It pursues high transparency in military affairs and demands China as well as its allies to keep their military modernization transparent. The United States believes that increasing nuclear transparency is an important means to reduce lack of information and eliminate misunderstanding and that China and the United States could reduce misjudgment of information and better safeguard their respective security interests by formulating a highly transparent nuclear policy. The United States further believes that transparency is the foundation for building trust between countries, and that in the absence of transparency, no cooperation could be realized by relying on limited trust. Therefore, the United States has always been emphasizing transparency in military capabilities, numbers, budgets, modernization programs, etc., maintaining that transparency in intention may mitigate the misgivings of other countries but transparency in capability is far more important because it is capability that determines in certain degree the possible policy and action a country might adopt and take.

    Different from the United States, China insists that transparency in intention is most important, maintaining that a country will not be threatened if it has no conflict of interest with another country even though the other country is much stronger. On the contrary, if two countries have conflicting security interests or the stronger side has the offensive intention, the weaker side will certainly be threatened and hence it must keep its capability ambiguous and be prepared to cope with the conflict. Many scholars in China firmly believe that the United States is open and transparent because it is a strong power and it will not harm its interests for doing so; if China had as many as nuclear warheads as the United States, it would also be transparent in the number of warheads it possesses. From another angle, the United States has been purposely displaying its capability so as to deter other countries from having direct competition and conflict with the United States. Transparency is a means to achieve deterrence and enhance security interests. However, to China, a country maintaining the lowest level of nuclear deterrence capability, making the numbers and deployment of its nuclear force transparent is equivalent to letting its rival know its best capability. China is unable to do so, neither are the other medium-sized nuclear states.

    The Nuclear Posture Review Report 2010 of the United States mentioned China and Russia in the same breath and the word“transparency” occurred for 17 times, most of them relating to China. It said, “While facing the increasingly urgent threats of nuclear terrorism and nuclear proliferation, the United States must continue to address the more familiar challenge of ensuring strategic stability with existing nuclear powers – most notably Russia and China.” It added that the United States should take wider range of measures to expand cooperation and transparency to enhance strategic stability with Russia and China. It said, “Any future nuclear reductions must continue to strengthen deterrence of potential regional adversaries, strategic stability vis-à-vis Russia and China, and assurance of our allies and partners.” The report stressed in particular that by enhancing transparency and mutual trust with Russia and China, the United States would be able to create conditions for building a world without nuclear weapons and lay a solid foundation for non-proliferation and counter-terrorism. It pointed out that the purpose of holding Sino-American nuclear dialogue was to“provide a venue and mechanism for each side to communicate its views about the other’s strategies, policies, and programs on nuclear weapons and other strategic capabilities. The goal of such dialogue is to enhance confidence, improve transparency, and reduce mistrust.”

    On the surface, it seems China’s military modernization has gone wrong; in particular its nuclear arsenal is not transparent. But behind the demand for China’s transparency lies America’s strong worries. Why the United States does not make any mention of Britain and France, two nuclear powers like China that keep their nuclear arsenals ambiguous and secret, but gives prominence to China? Putting China on a par with Russia reveals America’s anxiety: Where is China’s nuclear force heading for? Will it destroy the U.S.-Russia-dominant nuclear balance and threat America’s absolute superiority if China increases instead of reducing its nuclear arms when the United States and Russia have committed to cut their nuclear arms by big margins? Hence, from the repeated demand by the United States for China to make its nuclear force, nuclear strategy and nuclear policy transparent, one can see the widespread concern over China’s national defense modernization in the U.S. society.

    China’s nuclear force is very limited, which is far less than the small number of the nuclear arms of the United States or Russia. It will not affect the so-called “strategic balance” and the superior position even if the United States and Russia further cut their nuclear arms by another half. And it will take at least 10 years for the United States and Russia to realize the new arms reduction targets they have just reached. Chinese President Hu Jintao has already expressed at the UN Security Council Summit on nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation in September 2009 that the rest nuclear states would participate in international nuclear disarmament at an appropriate time. It is natural and obvious that there is not much common language between China and the United States and few results have been scored by the already started nuclear dialogue between them because they are not on the same level and moreover the United States possesses superiority in conventional arms and has set up the global missile defense system.

    It is a rule that countries having a small number of nuclear weapons would keep their policies ambiguous purely for ensuring the effectiveness of their policies. That China’s nuclear policy and nuclear force is most economic and efficient results from the understanding of the first generation of leaders on nuclear weapons and derives from China’s unique national defense policy, that is, China must have nuclear weapons but a small number.

    In the more than 30 years since reform and opening up, China has always put economic construction as the primary task and it is impossible that China will abandon this goal to engage in arms expansion and war preparation in the foreseeable future. The objective of modernizing China’s nuclear weapons is to ensure that China will not be subjected to nuclear attack. In light of the principle of building a lean and effective nuclear force, the PLA Second Artillery Force focuses its efforts on raising the level of IT application for nuclear weapons, ensuring their safety and reliability, and enhancing the ability of defense, reaction, penetration and precision strike.

    3. Nuclear disarmament.

    U.S. Defense Secretary Robert Gates claimed when visiting India early 2010 that he participated in the talks with the former Soviet Union over strategic arms reduction but was unable to verify if the Soviets really reduced their strategic arms; however, the candid dialogues concerning nuclear capabilities as well as their respective views on nuclear weapons played an important role in reducing misjudgment and misunderstanding during the Cold War. He added that similar dialogues with China would be fruitful and in the interest of global security. Indeed, nuclear disbarment has been a hot topic in recent Sino-American nuclear dialogues.

    Along with the re-initiation of a nuclear weapons-free world and further reduction of nuclear arms by the United States and Russia, the United States has been showing greater concern over the direction of China’s nuclear disarmament and asked China repeatedly on a number of occasions when it would follow up. Such an action reveals that the United States has a series of doubts over China’s adjustment of its nuclear policy, the direction of its nuclear force modernization, and so on.

    The nuclear disarmament policy formulated by China’s first generation of leadership originated from their profound understanding of the nuclear weapons over national security and their firm belief in the Marxist outlook on war and Marxist methodology. As earlier as half a century ago, China has already put forward those ideas on nuclear disarmament now prevalent in the international community, such as the initiative of building a“world without nuclear weapons” talked about volubly by the United States and Obama’s proposal to convene the World Nuclear Security Summit and proposition on nuclear security assurance, which are exactly the same as those raised by the Chinese government much earlier.

    China consistently persists in the nuclear disarmament policy of “comprehensive prohibition” and “complete elimination” of nuclear weapons. China is a developing country upholding the socialist system and China’s first generation of leadership was deeply influenced by the Marxist outlook on war when formulating the nuclear disarmament policy. Proceeding from the outlook of dialectical materialism and historical materialism, they analyzed the role of nuclear weapons in war and concluded that they were not omni-potential and ultimately decisive in winning the war. From the outset, China took the prohibition and elimination of nuclear weapons as an obligation that should be undertaken by the international community and the aim of China in developing nuclear weapons was to eliminate nuclear weapons with nuclear weapons. Similar views could be found in various Marxist-Leninist works. What the Chinese Communists have done is to apply those views to the nuclear era and give them the characteristics of the time.

    At present, profound changes have taken place in the international security situation: the United States and Russia have committed to cut by big margins their nuclear weapons, the medium-sized nuclear states have also drawn up plans to scale down the number of their nuclear weapons in service, and leaders of Britain and other nuclear countries have put nuclear disarmament as priority on their agenda in their term of office. Under such overall environment, China will have to re-phrase its nuclear disarmament policy, such as including such new ideas like the new security outlook. But in the foreseeable future, China will not give up all together the policy of “comprehensive prohibition” and “complete elimination” it has consistently persisted.

    Whether China needs to take back this moral banner has recently become a major topic of many people concerned with the changes in China’s nuclear disarmament policy. At present, China is not interested in contending for limelight in this respect because it has its own strategic considerations. First, the thoroughness, fairness and morality of China’s nuclear disarmament policy are widely acknowledged in the world and the related proposals exceed far the proposition of a nuclear weapons-free world put forward by President Obama. China stands at a much higher moral ground than the United States in nuclear disarmament. Second, China’s economic capacity is limited. It is impossible for China to shift its focus of work from economic construction to the military field, for China’s nuclear weapons modernization program is primarily aimed at ensuring the safety and reliability of its existing nuclear weapons and secondly ensuring that its deterrence capability will not be weakened in face of America’s missile defense system building. Third, keeping a low profile is a guiding principle for China when mapping out its future nuclear disarmament policy. On the issue of nuclear policy, China will not act as a leader and contend with the United States for merits but will only observe calmly the possible changes and react accordingly. This is the reason why the Chinese officials and scholars are indifferent to the initiative of building a nuclear weapons-free world. What China is more interested in is not what one says but more what one does.

    Compared with the time before reform and opening up, China now sets more stores by the moral value of its nuclear disarmament policy. Holding high the moral banner of nuclear disarmament is not only a posture for declaration but also an important part for establishing strategic stability with countries concerned. In particular, maintaining strategic stability with the United States is conducive to pushing forward relations between the two countries. The United States, though still keeping its focus on Russia regarding nuclear disarmament, is bound to pay more attention to China’s nuclear disarmament along with the further reduction of nuclear arms by the United States and Russia. Therefore, both China and the United States have their respective moral needs in this respect, and that is also the foundation for their cooperation.

    With regard to the United States, it seems it has not taken China as its main rival as far as nuclear disarmament is concerned but focuses more on Russia because China’s and America’s nuclear forces are not on the same level. As to China, it maintains that the United States and Russia are the two countries possessing the largest numbers of nuclear weapons—accounting for over 90% of the world’s total—and in spite of a cut by nearly a half of their nuclear arsenals, the number of their nuclear weapons is still several times bigger than that of the medium-sized nuclear states. Hence, China would only follow up when these two nuclear powers have their nuclear arsenals cut to a certain size. The commitment made by President Hu Jintao at the UN Summit on non-proliferation and nuclear disarmament on September 24, 2009 has reiterated China’s stand in this respect.

    There will be no fundamental change in China’s nuclear disarmament policy in the foreseeable future. What may change is only the way of expression but not the basic contents of the policy. It is not because China refuses to make any progress but because the nuclear disarmament policy initiated by China’s first generation of leaders remains unsubstitutable until now and is still full of vitality.

    III. Future Direction of Sino-American Nuclear Dialogue

    It must be pointed out that the reasons for the above-mentioned divergences and disputes between China and the United States on the nuclear issue are multi-faceted: the two countries’ nuclear forces, at least in terms of the numbers, are not on the same level; the different nature of the two states determines that they have different purposes in developing nuclear weapons; the postures of deployment of their nuclear weapons are different; and there are lot of differences on their understanding of nuclear weapons. Most of them are structural disparities that could not be resolved through a few rounds of dialogue.

    1. Positioning.China and the United States have conducted several rounds of dialogue on the nuclear issue with few substantial results, which indicates that it is a sensitive and complex issue. First of all, it is necessary to define the strategic goals of dialogue. The mechanisms of official dialogue, track II dialogue and 1.5 track dialogue formed in the past many years have played a significant role in promoting cooperation between the two countries in the nuclear disarmament field and enhancing their mutual understanding, but there is mush room for improvement. Secondly, efforts should be made to improve the integration and association of the various types of dialogue on the issue. Though having different features, the three types of dialogue have the same mission and goal, that is, maintenance of strategic stability between China and the United States and enhancement of mutual strategic trust. At present, there are only some low-level interaction, and sometimes even no association, among them. It is suggested that dialogue should start from the easier topics to gradually include the more difficult ones and efforts should be made to ensure for results for each round. And thirdly, there should be planning and higher-level coordination for the three types of dialogue and at an opportune moment the dialogue on the nuclear issue could be incorporated into the agenda of the Economic and Strategic Dialogue between the two countries.

    2. Mutual trust.It is imperative for China and the United States to increase communication since they have misgivings toward each other. As mentioned before, the United States has been pressing China on its nuclear transparency, fearing the modernization of China’s nuclear arsenal would undermine the deterrence and combat capability of its nuclear force. The United States often comes to the conclusion that “l(fā)ack of transparency means threat”. As a weaker side, China always fears that it is a“conspiracy” of the United States in pressing for China’s nuclear transparency which is aimed at founding out the true capacity of China nuclear arsenal, and hence it is impossible for China to make its nuclear arsenal transparent. The essential reason for the emergence of America’s “threat theory” and China’s“conspiracy theory” lies in weak mutual trust between the two sides. Mutual trust must be built on interaction between the two sides; it will not do if the United States demands transparency from China while keeping secret its own missile defense systems and nuclear arms modernization programs.

    3. Equality.Nuclear dialogue is not a business purely for the nuclear physicists, officials in charge of security matters, and scholars but involves people of different sectors as well as various areas. The big disparity in the nuclear capabilities between the two countries with the United States holding obvious advantage in both technology and numbers of nuclear weapons determines the two countries need to position themselves appropriately in dialogues on the nuclear issue. The United States should get off its high horse and exchange views and information with China on the same footing instead of throwing its weight around and even pressuring on China to make a choice. That is not what is meant by dialogue and surely will not encourage China to make a positive response. On the technical level, the United States should also take the lead to move forward on such matters as visa issuance, information exchange and lab visits, so that China would feel the goodwill of the United States and relieve its fears as far as possible.

    4. Gradualism.Communication will not necessarily dissolve all misgivings, or even it will dissolve none of them. The United States wishes to know the detailed composition, combat thinking, resources input and equipment level of China’s strategic forces, and so does China. And China also wants the U.S. side to explain why it seeks to weaponize the outer space and develop the missile defense systems. All these concerns make the dialogue extremely complex, which calls for patience and wisdom. Because of the fact that the nuclear field is one of the most sensitive areas of a country and because of the complexity and difficulties involved in communication and dialogue on the issue, it is impossible for the two countries to solve all problems in the nuclear field overnight. The two sides should draw up a credible roadmap and start their work from giving a right position to the various types of dialogue, maintaining mutual trust and treating each other on equal footing, with a view to achieving step-by-step results in the foreseeable future.

    Teng Jianqun is Senior Research Fellow at China Institute of International Studies.

    嫩草影院精品99| 国产乱人视频| 嫩草影视91久久| 日本黄色视频三级网站网址| 成人毛片a级毛片在线播放| 99视频精品全部免费 在线| 亚洲av二区三区四区| 日韩,欧美,国产一区二区三区 | 久久综合国产亚洲精品| 最近手机中文字幕大全| 欧美丝袜亚洲另类| 精品人妻一区二区三区麻豆 | 成人特级av手机在线观看| 亚洲国产精品成人综合色| 女人被狂操c到高潮| 小蜜桃在线观看免费完整版高清| 99久久久亚洲精品蜜臀av| 99国产极品粉嫩在线观看| 黄色一级大片看看| 18禁裸乳无遮挡免费网站照片| 九九热线精品视视频播放| 国产一区二区亚洲精品在线观看| 亚洲国产欧美人成| 亚洲性夜色夜夜综合| а√天堂www在线а√下载| 久久6这里有精品| 日日摸夜夜添夜夜爱| 午夜老司机福利剧场| 国内精品宾馆在线| 美女 人体艺术 gogo| 麻豆精品久久久久久蜜桃| 日本三级黄在线观看| 人人妻人人看人人澡| 欧美一区二区精品小视频在线| 久久久久久久久久黄片| 一本久久中文字幕| 国产大屁股一区二区在线视频| h日本视频在线播放| 91av网一区二区| 亚洲av一区综合| 久久99热6这里只有精品| 日韩欧美在线乱码| av天堂在线播放| 免费电影在线观看免费观看| 国产国拍精品亚洲av在线观看| av免费在线看不卡| 美女黄网站色视频| 菩萨蛮人人尽说江南好唐韦庄 | 深爱激情五月婷婷| 精品久久久久久久末码| 一本一本综合久久| 日本黄色片子视频| 亚洲天堂国产精品一区在线| 日韩大尺度精品在线看网址| 中国美白少妇内射xxxbb| 免费av不卡在线播放| 国产高潮美女av| 自拍偷自拍亚洲精品老妇| 丰满的人妻完整版| 最近视频中文字幕2019在线8| 性色avwww在线观看| 亚洲人成网站在线播| av在线亚洲专区| 欧美区成人在线视频| 亚洲美女黄片视频| 成人国产麻豆网| 中国国产av一级| 国产免费男女视频| 亚洲丝袜综合中文字幕| 国产精品人妻久久久久久| 熟女电影av网| 国产男靠女视频免费网站| 香蕉av资源在线| 欧美一区二区国产精品久久精品| 91久久精品国产一区二区成人| 成人性生交大片免费视频hd| 成人鲁丝片一二三区免费| 国产色爽女视频免费观看| 国产精品电影一区二区三区| 精品少妇黑人巨大在线播放 | 天天躁日日操中文字幕| 国产精品一区www在线观看| 欧美另类亚洲清纯唯美| 国产午夜精品论理片| 国产老妇女一区| 日韩一本色道免费dvd| 一a级毛片在线观看| 级片在线观看| 人妻丰满熟妇av一区二区三区| 国产伦一二天堂av在线观看| 熟女电影av网| 国产爱豆传媒在线观看| 一区福利在线观看| 91久久精品国产一区二区三区| 久久6这里有精品| 亚洲国产精品成人久久小说 | 在线播放国产精品三级| 免费一级毛片在线播放高清视频| 不卡视频在线观看欧美| 日本-黄色视频高清免费观看| 深夜a级毛片| 五月玫瑰六月丁香| 综合色丁香网| 国产精品嫩草影院av在线观看| 色视频www国产| 淫妇啪啪啪对白视频| 久久久久久久久久成人| 变态另类成人亚洲欧美熟女| 男女啪啪激烈高潮av片| 国产精品av视频在线免费观看| 国产一区二区三区在线臀色熟女| 一级毛片我不卡| 美女 人体艺术 gogo| 精品人妻一区二区三区麻豆 | 1000部很黄的大片| av.在线天堂| 国产高潮美女av| 久久精品久久久久久噜噜老黄 | 国产黄片美女视频| 日韩av不卡免费在线播放| 色噜噜av男人的天堂激情| 男女边吃奶边做爰视频| 日韩av在线大香蕉| 久久人人爽人人片av| 国产乱人偷精品视频| 伦精品一区二区三区| 亚洲中文字幕日韩| 日本色播在线视频| 一级毛片电影观看 | 成人永久免费在线观看视频| av在线蜜桃| 成人国产麻豆网| 欧美一区二区亚洲| 在现免费观看毛片| 老师上课跳d突然被开到最大视频| 色5月婷婷丁香| 夜夜看夜夜爽夜夜摸| 国产不卡一卡二| 中文字幕熟女人妻在线| 美女cb高潮喷水在线观看| 国产亚洲欧美98| 免费一级毛片在线播放高清视频| 国产高清不卡午夜福利| 国产午夜精品久久久久久一区二区三区 | 免费观看在线日韩| 一级a爱片免费观看的视频| 精品久久国产蜜桃| 国产精品久久久久久av不卡| 一级av片app| 免费一级毛片在线播放高清视频| 亚洲色图av天堂| 久久人人精品亚洲av| 亚洲18禁久久av| 欧美zozozo另类| 亚洲成a人片在线一区二区| 一级毛片aaaaaa免费看小| 熟女电影av网| 看非洲黑人一级黄片| 免费不卡的大黄色大毛片视频在线观看 | 乱人视频在线观看| 成人av在线播放网站| av在线老鸭窝| av天堂中文字幕网| 日本与韩国留学比较| 日本 av在线| 欧美性猛交╳xxx乱大交人| 亚洲国产精品成人久久小说 | 啦啦啦观看免费观看视频高清| 小说图片视频综合网站| 97人妻精品一区二区三区麻豆| 激情 狠狠 欧美| 在线观看午夜福利视频| 成人鲁丝片一二三区免费| 精品久久久久久久人妻蜜臀av| 亚洲成人av在线免费| 国内揄拍国产精品人妻在线| av在线天堂中文字幕| 国产成人影院久久av| 国产精品久久电影中文字幕| 内射极品少妇av片p| 免费看a级黄色片| 综合色av麻豆| 午夜爱爱视频在线播放| 中文字幕久久专区| 在线天堂最新版资源| 色吧在线观看| 色播亚洲综合网| 99热这里只有精品一区| 亚洲精品一卡2卡三卡4卡5卡| 国产精品国产三级国产av玫瑰| 99久国产av精品国产电影| 联通29元200g的流量卡| 日本五十路高清| а√天堂www在线а√下载| 亚洲欧美清纯卡通| 高清毛片免费看| 亚洲中文字幕日韩| 国产精品三级大全| 国产亚洲欧美98| 伦理电影大哥的女人| 久久精品国产清高在天天线| 久久国内精品自在自线图片| 看片在线看免费视频| 亚洲激情五月婷婷啪啪| 亚洲精品粉嫩美女一区| 美女 人体艺术 gogo| 成人永久免费在线观看视频| 91av网一区二区| 男女视频在线观看网站免费| 晚上一个人看的免费电影| 欧美激情国产日韩精品一区| 午夜影院日韩av| 国产精品精品国产色婷婷| 国产欧美日韩一区二区精品| 国产色婷婷99| 不卡一级毛片| 亚洲av成人av| 老司机影院成人| 国产精品电影一区二区三区| 欧美一区二区精品小视频在线| АⅤ资源中文在线天堂| 久久午夜亚洲精品久久| 国内精品久久久久精免费| 国产乱人视频| 偷拍熟女少妇极品色| 美女高潮的动态| 国产亚洲精品综合一区在线观看| 男人舔奶头视频| 亚洲最大成人av| 成人鲁丝片一二三区免费| 亚洲不卡免费看| 两性午夜刺激爽爽歪歪视频在线观看| av天堂在线播放| 亚洲无线在线观看| 国产视频内射| 色5月婷婷丁香| 91av网一区二区| 91久久精品国产一区二区成人| 亚洲国产精品久久男人天堂| .国产精品久久| 色吧在线观看| 精品欧美国产一区二区三| 成人综合一区亚洲| 嫩草影视91久久| 亚洲七黄色美女视频| 亚洲精品乱码久久久v下载方式| 在线观看免费视频日本深夜| 国产精品一及| 性色avwww在线观看| 久久久久精品国产欧美久久久| 三级男女做爰猛烈吃奶摸视频| 欧美日韩精品成人综合77777| 欧美zozozo另类| 成年av动漫网址| 少妇高潮的动态图| 亚洲欧美日韩无卡精品| or卡值多少钱| 一级黄片播放器| 丝袜喷水一区| 寂寞人妻少妇视频99o| 香蕉av资源在线| 给我免费播放毛片高清在线观看| 99热这里只有是精品50| 亚洲中文字幕一区二区三区有码在线看| 久久久久久伊人网av| 亚洲四区av| 亚洲在线自拍视频| 亚洲一区二区三区色噜噜| 美女黄网站色视频| 国产精品久久视频播放| 干丝袜人妻中文字幕| 亚洲国产精品合色在线| 亚洲美女黄片视频| 校园人妻丝袜中文字幕| 99久国产av精品| 国产伦一二天堂av在线观看| 无遮挡黄片免费观看| 亚洲七黄色美女视频| 一级av片app| 国产白丝娇喘喷水9色精品| 日韩欧美一区二区三区在线观看| 99riav亚洲国产免费| 国产精品一区二区免费欧美| 人人妻人人澡人人爽人人夜夜 | 人人妻人人澡欧美一区二区| 中国国产av一级| 99久国产av精品| 在线a可以看的网站| avwww免费| 午夜福利视频1000在线观看| 淫妇啪啪啪对白视频| 午夜福利高清视频| 麻豆国产97在线/欧美| a级毛色黄片| 亚洲欧美日韩东京热| 男女下面进入的视频免费午夜| 女生性感内裤真人,穿戴方法视频| 一级黄片播放器| 国内精品一区二区在线观看| 99久久中文字幕三级久久日本| 国模一区二区三区四区视频| 国产在线精品亚洲第一网站| 一区二区三区高清视频在线| 成人漫画全彩无遮挡| 麻豆乱淫一区二区| 一个人看视频在线观看www免费| 最新中文字幕久久久久| 91在线精品国自产拍蜜月| 精品久久久久久成人av| 插逼视频在线观看| 天堂√8在线中文| 免费看av在线观看网站| 亚洲欧美成人精品一区二区| 精品久久久久久久久亚洲| 午夜免费激情av| 十八禁国产超污无遮挡网站| 成人毛片a级毛片在线播放| 乱人视频在线观看| 国产精品久久久久久久久免| 欧美激情久久久久久爽电影| 久久99热这里只有精品18| 亚洲最大成人手机在线| 天堂网av新在线| av天堂在线播放| 国产精品女同一区二区软件| 欧美另类亚洲清纯唯美| 成人特级黄色片久久久久久久| 国产国拍精品亚洲av在线观看| 国产v大片淫在线免费观看| 热99re8久久精品国产| 久久久久久久久中文| 国产一区二区在线观看日韩| 中国美女看黄片| 男女那种视频在线观看| 欧美+亚洲+日韩+国产| 99国产精品一区二区蜜桃av| 如何舔出高潮| 国产黄片美女视频| 五月玫瑰六月丁香| 久久人人爽人人片av| 欧美激情国产日韩精品一区| 一进一出好大好爽视频| 国产麻豆成人av免费视频| 国语自产精品视频在线第100页| 国产亚洲91精品色在线| 久久精品国产亚洲网站| 两性午夜刺激爽爽歪歪视频在线观看| 国产精品久久久久久精品电影| av女优亚洲男人天堂| 成人永久免费在线观看视频| 国产伦精品一区二区三区视频9| 老司机影院成人| 特级一级黄色大片| 一区福利在线观看| 亚洲四区av| 看黄色毛片网站| 欧美bdsm另类| 国产精华一区二区三区| 午夜日韩欧美国产| 男女做爰动态图高潮gif福利片| 久久久色成人| 免费av观看视频| 男人舔女人下体高潮全视频| 久久国内精品自在自线图片| 91在线观看av| 免费av毛片视频| 插阴视频在线观看视频| 国产 一区 欧美 日韩| 男人舔奶头视频| 精品久久久久久久末码| 91在线观看av| 丰满人妻一区二区三区视频av| 非洲黑人性xxxx精品又粗又长| 色综合色国产| 男女边吃奶边做爰视频| 午夜精品国产一区二区电影 | 最后的刺客免费高清国语| 99热这里只有是精品50| 中文字幕av成人在线电影| 日韩欧美精品免费久久| 可以在线观看毛片的网站| 无遮挡黄片免费观看| 国产爱豆传媒在线观看| 国产精品精品国产色婷婷| 成人综合一区亚洲| 精华霜和精华液先用哪个| 熟女人妻精品中文字幕| 大香蕉久久网| 国产av不卡久久| 干丝袜人妻中文字幕| 寂寞人妻少妇视频99o| 亚洲av一区综合| 久久久久久久亚洲中文字幕| 亚洲精品亚洲一区二区| 欧美成人a在线观看| 亚洲av成人精品一区久久| 午夜福利18| 禁无遮挡网站| 欧美高清成人免费视频www| 丰满的人妻完整版| 能在线免费观看的黄片| 大香蕉久久网| 色哟哟·www| 别揉我奶头 嗯啊视频| 国产三级中文精品| 国产精品久久久久久av不卡| 啦啦啦韩国在线观看视频| 国产av在哪里看| 亚洲精品久久国产高清桃花| 亚洲av中文字字幕乱码综合| 国内揄拍国产精品人妻在线| 少妇人妻精品综合一区二区 | 如何舔出高潮| 亚洲中文字幕一区二区三区有码在线看| 中文字幕熟女人妻在线| 国内久久婷婷六月综合欲色啪| 午夜福利高清视频| 久久6这里有精品| 国产在线男女| 精品久久久久久久久亚洲| 麻豆国产av国片精品| 伦理电影大哥的女人| 国产精品一区二区三区四区久久| 久久99热6这里只有精品| 午夜福利在线观看免费完整高清在 | 18+在线观看网站| 亚洲国产精品sss在线观看| 精品一区二区三区视频在线| 精品少妇黑人巨大在线播放 | 三级经典国产精品| 国产一区二区激情短视频| 丝袜喷水一区| 日韩中字成人| 最近的中文字幕免费完整| 不卡一级毛片| 男女视频在线观看网站免费| 尾随美女入室| 国产成人福利小说| 国产又黄又爽又无遮挡在线| 午夜影院日韩av| 亚洲va在线va天堂va国产| 免费看光身美女| 欧美一区二区国产精品久久精品| 国产av一区在线观看免费| 国产精品福利在线免费观看| 在现免费观看毛片| 成人高潮视频无遮挡免费网站| 国产精品三级大全| 直男gayav资源| 2021天堂中文幕一二区在线观| 久久久色成人| 免费无遮挡裸体视频| 国产一区二区激情短视频| av黄色大香蕉| 少妇人妻一区二区三区视频| 简卡轻食公司| 国产精品99久久久久久久久| 99热只有精品国产| 老司机福利观看| 波多野结衣高清无吗| 毛片女人毛片| 欧美激情久久久久久爽电影| 国产国拍精品亚洲av在线观看| 中文字幕免费在线视频6| 国产精品综合久久久久久久免费| 少妇猛男粗大的猛烈进出视频 | 亚洲av免费高清在线观看| 亚洲国产日韩欧美精品在线观看| 亚洲18禁久久av| 欧美国产日韩亚洲一区| 人人妻人人澡人人爽人人夜夜 | 欧美性猛交╳xxx乱大交人| 久久鲁丝午夜福利片| 国产私拍福利视频在线观看| 老司机福利观看| 欧美又色又爽又黄视频| 日本欧美国产在线视频| 免费无遮挡裸体视频| 亚洲av第一区精品v没综合| 国产在线男女| 国产男人的电影天堂91| 国产在视频线在精品| 精品国产三级普通话版| 欧美丝袜亚洲另类| 亚洲欧美精品自产自拍| 日韩欧美精品免费久久| 人人妻人人澡人人爽人人夜夜 | 听说在线观看完整版免费高清| 成人综合一区亚洲| 久久久久久伊人网av| 九九爱精品视频在线观看| 亚洲成人中文字幕在线播放| 麻豆精品久久久久久蜜桃| 精品一区二区三区人妻视频| 亚洲va在线va天堂va国产| 国产精品乱码一区二三区的特点| 日韩欧美三级三区| 一卡2卡三卡四卡精品乱码亚洲| 少妇被粗大猛烈的视频| 美女高潮的动态| 国产男靠女视频免费网站| 热99re8久久精品国产| 一进一出抽搐gif免费好疼| 18禁裸乳无遮挡免费网站照片| 国语自产精品视频在线第100页| 国产黄色小视频在线观看| 看黄色毛片网站| 97在线视频观看| 中文字幕久久专区| 国产精品人妻久久久影院| 国产色爽女视频免费观看| 丰满的人妻完整版| 欧美高清性xxxxhd video| 亚洲欧美日韩无卡精品| 97超级碰碰碰精品色视频在线观看| 91久久精品电影网| 99久久无色码亚洲精品果冻| 亚洲无线观看免费| 综合色av麻豆| 国产精品电影一区二区三区| 国产精品,欧美在线| 蜜桃久久精品国产亚洲av| 精品人妻视频免费看| 非洲黑人性xxxx精品又粗又长| 日本-黄色视频高清免费观看| 久久天躁狠狠躁夜夜2o2o| 国产成人freesex在线 | 国产精品电影一区二区三区| 无遮挡黄片免费观看| 国产视频内射| ponron亚洲| 亚洲av免费高清在线观看| 插逼视频在线观看| 69人妻影院| 日日摸夜夜添夜夜添av毛片| 中国国产av一级| 观看免费一级毛片| 久久精品久久久久久噜噜老黄 | 精华霜和精华液先用哪个| 亚洲一区高清亚洲精品| 日本免费一区二区三区高清不卡| av女优亚洲男人天堂| 悠悠久久av| 老司机影院成人| 国产精品一区二区性色av| 亚洲aⅴ乱码一区二区在线播放| 国产成人一区二区在线| 舔av片在线| 久久久欧美国产精品| 久久久精品欧美日韩精品| 日韩成人伦理影院| 我要看日韩黄色一级片| 91在线观看av| 国产欧美日韩精品亚洲av| 国产高清三级在线| 久久婷婷人人爽人人干人人爱| 成年女人毛片免费观看观看9| 欧美又色又爽又黄视频| 日韩 亚洲 欧美在线| 日日啪夜夜撸| 免费在线观看成人毛片| 最好的美女福利视频网| 干丝袜人妻中文字幕| av国产免费在线观看| 久久草成人影院| 3wmmmm亚洲av在线观看| 人妻久久中文字幕网| 麻豆久久精品国产亚洲av| 俺也久久电影网| 成年女人看的毛片在线观看| 好男人在线观看高清免费视频| 全区人妻精品视频| 一边摸一边抽搐一进一小说| 精品不卡国产一区二区三区| 亚洲av免费高清在线观看| 欧美最新免费一区二区三区| 一个人观看的视频www高清免费观看| 国产毛片a区久久久久| 精品久久久久久久末码| 九九在线视频观看精品| 亚洲精品国产av成人精品 | 18禁在线无遮挡免费观看视频 | 午夜免费激情av| 亚洲中文字幕一区二区三区有码在线看| 国产精品嫩草影院av在线观看| 在线观看av片永久免费下载| 热99re8久久精品国产| 亚洲成人精品中文字幕电影| 欧美丝袜亚洲另类| 国产精品福利在线免费观看| 极品教师在线视频| 国产蜜桃级精品一区二区三区| 精品人妻一区二区三区麻豆 | 精品欧美国产一区二区三| 日韩人妻高清精品专区| 韩国av在线不卡| 亚洲成人精品中文字幕电影| 午夜福利成人在线免费观看| 日韩欧美一区二区三区在线观看| 又黄又爽又刺激的免费视频.| 欧美性猛交黑人性爽| 搞女人的毛片| 欧美成人一区二区免费高清观看| 国内少妇人妻偷人精品xxx网站| 少妇熟女欧美另类| 亚洲自拍偷在线| 久久久久久久久久久丰满| 国产精品,欧美在线| 欧美潮喷喷水| 免费大片18禁| 久久鲁丝午夜福利片| 国产精品久久视频播放| 身体一侧抽搐| 中文字幕精品亚洲无线码一区| av中文乱码字幕在线|