• <tr id="yyy80"></tr>
  • <sup id="yyy80"></sup>
  • <tfoot id="yyy80"><noscript id="yyy80"></noscript></tfoot>
  • 99热精品在线国产_美女午夜性视频免费_国产精品国产高清国产av_av欧美777_自拍偷自拍亚洲精品老妇_亚洲熟女精品中文字幕_www日本黄色视频网_国产精品野战在线观看 ?

    The Situation of International Arms Control and Non-proliferation in 2003

    2014-01-11 20:41:24ByHouHongyu
    Peace 2014年1期

    By Hou Hongyu

    ?

    The Situation of International Arms Control and Non-proliferation in 2003

    By Hou Hongyu

    Director of General Affairs Division Chinese People’s Association for Peace and Disarmament

    In 2013, the United States and Russia continued to implement the new START, the United States proposed to engage Russia to start a new round of nuclear disarmament from the purpose of cutting military spending and consolidating strategic superiority. However, the U.S. proposal was turned down by Russia. Russia maintains that U.S. development of missile defense systems and advanced conventional strategic strike systems will damage the global strategic stability. In order to make up for the inadequacy of conventional military forces and upgrade nuclear forces, Russia continuously and comprehensively develops its triad of strategic forces. The international non-proliferation efforts have achieved some positive results. The Iran nuclear issue has taken the first step towards solution; the abolition of Syrian chemical weapon is going ahead according the plan and the UN has adopted the Arms Trade Treaty. However, the DPRK nuclear issue has made no progress yet at the moment.

    Ⅰ. The New Development of the International Arms Control

    First, the U.S. arms control and disarmament policy. The United States maintains that the international security environment has changed dramatically since the end of the Cold War: the threat of global nuclear war has become remote, but the risk of nuclear attacks has increased. The traditional concept of nuclear deterrence — the idea that a country would not initiate a nuclear war for fear of nuclear retaliation — does not apply to terrorists. While the U.S. nuclear arsenal has little relevance in deterring this threat, concerted actions by all states to uphold their NPT obligations – including those related to disarmament – are important for building a sense of common purpose that helps maintain support from partners around the world to uphold and strengthen the nuclear nonproliferation regime. Securing sensitive nuclear materials worldwide will also make it harder for terrorists to acquire those materials. The United States actively raises the awareness of the international community about its achievements in nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation. For example, the downblending of highly enriched uranium (HEU) to low enriched uranium (LEU) by Russia that was required by the 1993 U.S.-Russia HEU Purchase Agreement is now completed. Upon the successful completion of the Agreement, 500 metric tons of HEU from dismantled Russian weapons will be converted into LEU and delivered to the United States to fuel U.S. commercial nuclear power plants. The HEU that was converted by downblending was enough to produce approximately 20,000 nuclear warheads. In the United States, 374 metric tons of U.S. HEU is declared excess to nuclear weapons; most of which will be downblended or used as fuel in naval or research reactors. In 2011, the United States and Russia brought into force the Plutonium Management and Disposition Agreement and its 2006 and 2010 protocols, which require each side to dispose of 34 metric tons of weapons-grade plutonium – enough in total for about 17,000 nuclear weapons – and thus permanently removing this material from military programs. Russia has also been an essential partner in the U.S. Global Threat Reduction Initiative efforts to convert research reactors worldwide from HEU to LEU and repatriate those reactors’ HEU to the country of origin. These efforts have now converted or verified over 88 shutdown research and test reactors and isotope production facilities, and removed over 5,017 kg of HEU for secure storage, downblending and disposition.

    The United States has proposed a new disarmament initiative. President Obama expressed in the State of the Union on February 12 that the United States would like to negotiate with Russia to further reduce their nuclear arsenals. The U.S. Government internal review concludes that it can reduce the number of its deployed strategic or long-range nuclear warheads to 1100 or 1000 in the future. According to the data of the Depart of State, currently the number of the U.S. deployed strategic warheads is about 1700 and that of Russia is about 1500. When the new START is fully implemented in 2018, the United States and the Russia will have no more than 1,550 deployed strategic nuclear warheads each – the lowest levels since the 1950s. The U.S. overall nuclear stockpile is 85% below the Cold War levels. In June 2013, in conjunction with his Berlin speech, President Obama issued new guidance that aligns U.S. nuclear policies to the 21st century security environment. President Obama has tried to take a new step to advance his Prague agenda and the long-term goal of achieving peace and security of a nuclear weapons free world. After a comprehensive review, the President determines that the United States can ensure its national and allies security and maintain a strong and credible strategic deterrent while safely pursuing up to a one-third reduction in deployed strategic nuclear weapons from the level established in the new START. According to the data of a U.S. think-tank, by the beginning of 2013, there are 8500 Russian nuclear warheads and 7700 U.S. nuclear warheads. They still possess more than 90% of all the nuclear weapons in the world and have a shared responsibility to continue the process of reducing their nuclear arms.

    The U.S. consideration for further nuclear disarmament. When the new START is fully implemented, the nuclear arsenals of the United States and Russia are still too big. The new START stipulates that the deployed strategic nuclear warheads of the two countries should be no more than 1550 each. However, according to the counting rules, one strategic bomber counts only one strategic warhead instead of 20 warheads that a strategic bomber can carry. The counting rule has a big loophole and the actual number of strategic bombs carried by one strategic bomber should be at least 3 to 4. Therefore, the actual number of the deployed strategic warheads for each country in 2018 will be about 1900, which President Obama’s assistants now believe is still too big. The new START does not limit the number of stored nuclear warheads of each country. The United States estimates that it has 2700 stored strategic warheads and Russia 2680. According to the U.S. plan, the United States and Russia should not only agree to reduce the numbers of deployed strategic warheads to 1000, but also limit the size of other types of nuclear weapons. The total numbers of nuclear weapons for each country should be no more than 3500 or even less than 2500, which will not harm the national security.

    The United States concludes that further nuclear disarmament is cautious. The United States believes that its recent potential rivalry with nuclear weapons is China rather than Russia. However, China only has 50 to 70 strategic nuclear warheads. Therefore, even it reduces one-third of its nuclear warheads, the U.S. strategic nuclear force is still ten times bigger than China and the United States still has overwhelming advantages. The strategic review report by the Department of Defense points out that a smaller nuclear arsenal is able to realize the U.S. goal of deterrence.

    Second, the benefits of further nuclear arms negotiation between the United States and Russia. First, reduction of nuclear weapons can enhance the U.S. national security. A new round of nuclear disarmament negotiation between the two will help Russia invest less money in developing new type nuclear warheads and strategic missiles. Currently, Russia is developing modernized SS-27 missiles to replace the strategic missiles deployed during the Cold War and at the meantime plans to develop new, heavy, multi-warhead intercontinental missiles. If the two reach a new nuclear disarmament agreement, the numbers of Russia’s nuclear weapons will become less and the U.S. striking targets in Russia will be reduced. Ten years ago, the U.S. striking targets in Russia included 660 missile silos and now the targets are reduced almost half. In another 10 years, the number of targets in Russia will be much less. If they reach a new nuclear disarmament agreement, the United States can modernize its nuclear arsenal and spend less on developing new type strategic weapon systems. At the same time, the United States can spend the money saved from nuclear disarmament on maintaining the remaining nuclear forces, warhead life extension program and revitalization of nuclear facilities.

    The United States can consolidate its superiority in nuclear and conventional weapons. If the United States and Russia reach a new nuclear disarmament agreement, the United States is able to restrict Russia from developing new, heavy and multi-warhead intercontinental ballistic missiles that can penetrate the U.S. missile defense systems. And Russia’s space to develop strategic nuclear weapons will be squeezed and its deterrent capability will be lowered. Currently and in the future, only Russia’s nuclear weapons constitute a devastating blow to the United States Therefore, the United States tries to seek to reduce Russia’s size of nuclear arsenal, to reduce its tactical nuclear weapons and prevent it from developing new type strategic missiles. The United States already has absolute superiority in conventional forces and the missile defense systems and continues to develop more advanced multi-level interception capability than that of Russia and China. The United States has the absolute superiority in developing prompt global strike systems, space planes and conventional forces.

    Third, Russia has turned down President Obama’s proposal to reduce nuclear arms and proposed that any further reduction of nuclear arms must consider the factors of missile defense systems, out-space weapons and the imbalance of conventional weapons. On June 19, 2013, Russian President Putin said that Russia should not allow its strategic deterrent system to be harmed and could not reduce the effectiveness of its nuclear forces. He has stated that many countries including the United States are actively improving their offensive systems, for example intermediate range missiles, and almost all Russia’s neighboring countries are developing such weapon systems. Currently, high precision weapons are developed quickly in the world and their striking capability is close to that of the strategic nuclear weapons. Those countries with high precision weapons have greatly strengthened their striking capability and at the same time the United States. is still developing and deploying strategic missile defense systems. Negotiations on further reduction of strategic offensive arms are only possible if all the factors influencing global strategic stability are duly taken into account. First of all, it concerns the plans of unilateral deployment of a strategic missile defense system; development of non-nuclear SOA; potential deployment of weapons in outer space; increasing quantitative and qualitative imbalances in conventional weapons, or emerging regional conflicts; uncertainty of the CTBT’s entry into force, etc. Further nuclear arms reduction should become multilateral. The international community needs to take into account the arsenals of all the states with military nuclear capabilities. And another pressing issue is how to get all countries that possess nuclear weapons, but are non- NPT members, involve in such a dialogue. The main efforts should be focused on creating conditions that enable phased movement towards nuclear disarmament, while strengthening the strategic stability on the basis of principles of equal and indivisible security for all states without exception.

    In recent years, Russia’s military spending has increased considerably and has become No.3 in the world. Russia will continue to invest greatly in nuclear weapons and continue to modernize its nuclear triad by improving the quality instead of increasing the numbers. Therefore, some U.S. experts conclude that it is unlikely that Russia will join a new round of nuclear arms reduction.

    At the same time, many non-nuclear weapon states have strengthened their appeal for nuclear disarmament. In October 2013, 125 countries in the UN issued a declaration proclaiming that non-use of nuclear weapons under any conditions would be conducive to human survival and opposing the use of nuclear weapons from humanitarian concerns and environment security.

    Fourth, the United States and Russia continue developing their nuclear forces. The United Statescontinues to maintain its strategic nuclear triad and plans to invest US$ 118 billion in modernizing strategic missiles and US$ 90 billon in maintaining its nuclear weapon infrastructure. On January 3, 2013, President Obama signed the Defense Spending Act and the military expenditure for 2013 is US$ 633 billion. Russia steadily modernizes itsdeploys approximately 326 intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs) of six variants. A number of Soviet-era ICBMs, such as the R-36M2, UR-100NUTTH, and the Topol, are gradually being phased out in favor of the new silo-based and road-mobile Topol-M, and the Yars, a road-mobile version of the Topol-M equipped with Multiple Independently Targetable Reentry Vehicles (MIRV). The deployment of the Topol-M and the Yars began in 2006 and 2010 respectively, and these variants are scheduled to be updated and maintained through 2013. Russian enterprises are also reportedly working on the development of other ICBM systems in response to the deployment of a U.S. missile defense architecture in Europe. The newest of these systems is currently undergoing testing and is scheduled for deployment in 2015 and is touted as a model at lower cost, easier to produce and capable of evading existing missile defense systems. Russia's active strategic ballistic missile submarine (SSBN) force currently consists of three Project 667BDR Kalmar submarines and six Project 667BDRM Delfin submarines. The Delta IV class currently forms the backbone of Russia's naval deterrent. A new liquid-propelled SLBM, the RMS-54 “Sineva”, is developed and successfully tested for the Delta IV submarines. All of the Delta IV vessels are upgraded to carry the “Sineva”. In addition, Russia has several Typhoon-class SSBNs. A new class of SSBNs designatedis currently under construction. The first of these vessels, thehas recently completed sea tests, and entered active duty for the Northern fleet on 10 January 2013. The second of these vessels, thewas launched from the Sevmash shipyard on 23 December 2013. Two additional Borey class vessels, theand thewill be fully operational and at sea in 2014. Russia has two additionalclasssubmarines, theand thein production through 2013 in Severodvinsk. In addition to these named models, a total of eightclass submarines are scheduled to enter active service over the coming decade, which are expected to carry 16 missiles each. Their engagement is part of extensive naval modernization efforts. The air-pillar of Russia's triad is comprised of 72 strategic bombers that include 13 Tu-160 Blackjacks, 28 Tu-95 MS6 Bear H6s, and 31 Tu-95 MS16 Bear H16s. Since 2009, Russia has been researching designs for a new long-range strategic bomber, and hopes to have a prototype ready by 2020. Delivery vehicles include the AS-15A Kent air-launched cruise missile (ALCM), the AS-16 Kickback short-range attack missile, and a large but unknown number of nuclear gravity bombs. It has also been developing a new ALCM, the Kh-102, for over a decade. Its nuclear forces have conducted a few large scale military exercises. Some Russian experts believe that these exercises send a clear signal to its potential enemies that Russia has counter-nuclear attacks capability.

    Ⅱ. The United States has continued to develop global missile defense systems which affect the international strategic stability.

    First, the United States continues to develop and restructure the global missile defense systems. In March 2013, Secretary of Defense Chuck Hagel announced a series of steps the United States would take to stay ahead of the challenge posed by Iran and the DPRK’s development of longer-range ballistic missile capabilities and has missile defense systems in place to respond to the limited ICMB attacks.

    The United States will strengthen homeland missile defense by deploying 14 additional Ground-Based Interceptors (GBIs) at Ft. Greely, Alaska. That will increase the number of deployed GBIs from 30 to 44, including the four GBIs at Vandenberg Air Force Base in California. These additional GBIs will provide nearly a 50 percent increase in U.S. missile defense capability. With the support of the Japanese Government, the United States is planning to deploy an additional radar in Japan. This second TPY-2 radar will provide improved early warning and tracking of any missile launched from the DPRK at the United States or Japan. As directed by the U.S. Congress, studies on environmental impact by additional GBIs for a potential site in the United States are conducted, which will shorten the timeline for construction if the U.S. Government decides to proceed with an additional site. The United States is restructuring the SM-3 IIB program and plans to deploy the SM-3IIB as part of the European Phased Adaptive Approach. The purpose is to reinforce the protection of the U.S. homeland already provided by current GBIs against missile threats from the Middle East. The timeline for deploying this program is delayed to at least 2022 due to cuts in Congressional funding. By shifting resources from this program to fund the additional GBIs as well as advanced kill -vehicle technology that will improve the performance of the GBIs and other versions of the SM-3 interceptor, the United States will be able to strengthen protection against missiles from Iran sooner and also the DPRK threat. The U.S. missile deployments in phase one of the European Phased Adaptive Approach, including sites in Poland and Romania, will still be able to provide coverage of all European NATO territory as planned by 2018. These steps will strengthen the U.S. homeland defense, and maintain its commitments to its allies and partners. On October 22, NATO Secretary General Rasmussen said that the European missile defense system would be able to protect Europe and all NATO countries’ security.

    The United States continuously states that it would like to cooperate on missile defense issues with Russia and remains convinced that missile defense cooperation between the United States and Russia (and between NATO and Russia) is in the national security interests of all countries involved. For that reason, the United States remains open to missile defense cooperation with Russia. The United States has repeatedly made it clear that its missile defense efforts are focused on defending its homeland as well as its European, Middle Eastern, and Asian allies and partners against ballistic missile threats coming from regional actors. In meeting those threats, it is important to note that the U.S. missile defenses are not designed for, or capable of, undermining the Russian or Chinese strategic deterrents. For its part, Russia has been insistent on legally binding guarantees that the U.S. missile defenses will not threaten its strategic deterrent. Rather than legal guarantees, the United States believes that the best way for Russia to see that U.S. and NATO missile defenses in Europe do not undermine its strategic deterrent would engage in cooperation and mutual transparency measures.

    Second, the U.S. development of missile defense system is still the crux in the U.S.-Russia relations. In the beginning of 2013, Russian Foreign Minister Lavrov expressed that the missile defense system is still the major stimulating factor in the U.S.-Russia relations, however, Russia would still like to have a dialogue. On February 27, President Putin pointed out that the U.S. promotion of the second phase of its missile defense system is actually to explore the possibility of NATO’s eastward expansion and this directly affects Russian interests. NATO has tried to use of all kinds of approaches to break global strategic balance. The quick change of the geopolitical situation has urged Russian military to build modernized armed forces with modern armaments. Responding to the U.S. announcement of abandoning the fourth phase of its missile defense system in Europe, Russia believes that the United States and NATO have gradually strengthened missile defense capability in Europe, which is detrimental to international stability and has a negative effect on Russia’s strategic nuclear forces. Russia has expressed worries of the U.S. deployment of 14 additional GBIs in the Asia-Pacific region. Russia has kept requesting the U.S. legally binding guarantees that its strategic deterrent is not threatened by the U.S. missile defenses.

    Ⅲ. International Non-Proliferation Efforts Have Made Positive Progress.

    Iran nuclear talks have broken a ten-year stalemate and Iran has agreed to accept international monitor and the United States will relief some sanctions. The Interim Geneva Accord was signed between P5+1 countries and Iran on November 24, 2013. The deal consists of the short-term freezing of key parts of the Iranian nuclear program in exchange for a decrease in sanctions, as both sides work towards a long-term agreement. The agreement makes the following stipulations on the Iranian nuclear-program: all uranium enriched beyond 5% will either be diluted or converted to uranium oxide; no new uranium at the 3.5% enrichment level will be added to Iran’s current stock. No new centrifuges will be installed or prepared for installation; 50% of the centrifuges at the Natanz enrichment facility and 75% at the Fordow enrichment facility will be left inoperable. Iran will not use its advanced IR-2 centrifuges for enrichment; Iran will not develop any new uranium enrichment or nuclear reprocessing facilities; no fuel will be produced, tested, or transferred to the Arak nuclear power plant; Iran will share design details of the reactor; the IAEA will be granted daily access to Natanz and Fordow and will have access to Iran’s uranium mines and centrifuge production facilities; Iran will address IAEA questions related to possible military dimensions of the nuclear program and provide data expected as part of an Additional Protocol. In exchange, Iran will receive relief from sanctions of approximately US$7 billion and no additional sanctions will be imposed. The agreement sets a six-month time frame for a more comprehensive follow-up agreement between Iran and the P5+1 negotiators to formalize Iran’s nuclear relationship with the world. The agreement recognizes Iran’s right to enrichment so long as the program is under IAEA control. President Obama says that the Interim Geneva Accord is an important first step toward a comprehensive solution that would address the U.S. concerns with Iran’s nuclear program. For the first time in nearly a decade, the United States has halted the progress of the Iranian nuclear program, and key parts of the program will be rolled back. These substantial limitations which will help prevent Iran from building a nuclear weapon. The United State has agreed to provide Iran with modest relief, while continuing to apply toughest sanction. Iran should be able to have access to peaceful nuclear energy, but it must accept strict limitations on its nuclear program that make it impossible to develop a nuclear weapon. The first step marks the most significant and tangible progress. However President Obama also recognizes that it is not easy, and huge challenges would remain ahead. Over the next six months, the United States will work to negotiate a comprehensive solution. The Interim Geneva Accord is conducive to the maintenance of the international non-proliferation regime and to the peace and stability in the Middle East.

    The U.S. and Russia reached an agreement on Syrian chemical weapons and Syria has joined the Chemical Weapons Convention. On September 14, 2013, the U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry and Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov reached an agreement on a framework to secure and destroy Syria’s chemical weapons by mid-2014 and impose UN penalties if the Bashar al-Assad Government fails to comply. The Obama Administration has argued for weeks that the United States should launch military strikes against Syria for its alleged use of chemical weapons. On October 14, 2013, Syria met its obligations in applying for membership in the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons and its membership took effect on October 14. Syria becomes the 190th member state of the Chemical Weapons Convention.

    The U.S.-Russia agreement on Syria’s chemical weapons has prevented Syria from the U.S. military strike for the time being. However, the implementation of the agreement still faces lots of challenges and the civil war is still going on in Syria. In the future, the international community still has a long way to go to solve the Syrian crisis and help the Syrian suffering people through cooperation.

    The UN General Assembly Adopts the Arms Trade Treaty. The UN General Assembly on April 2, 2013 voted to adopt the Arms Trade Treaty, which regulates the multi-billion dollars international arms trade. After its adoption by the General Assembly, the treaty needs to be signed and ratified by at least 50 countries to enter into force. Wang Min, China’s deputy permanent representative to the UN said that China has all along supported the negotiations on the Arms Trade Treaty; it expects all parties to reach consensus on an effective treaty to regulate the conventional arms trade and to combat illicit trafficking of small arms and light weapons; it is not in favor of pushing through a multilateral arms control treaty at the GA which concerns the international security and the security of all nations; it has deep worries about the possible negative precedent for multilateral arms control negotiations; it could support a treaty reached through consensus, only by doing so can the universal support and effective implementation of the treaty be ensured.

    The DPRK nuclear issue still remains in deadlock. On December 12, 2012, the DPRK successfully launched a rocket and put a Kwangmyong-3 satellite into orbit. This test proves a significant advancement in the DPRK’s missile technology. The launch led to strong responses from the international community. The UN Security Council adopted Resolution 2087 demanding the DRPK to comply with the relevant resolutions of the UN Security Council and stop using ballistic missile technologies from launching rockets any more. Since then, the DPRK has made more tough stance and strongly condemned the UN Security Council’s resolution involving the DPRK and declared that the DPRK would never hide its intentions to launch all kinds of satellites and rockets and conduct higher level nuclear tests and target its old enemy -- the United States -- so as to protect its national security. After the DPRK conducted its third nuclear test in February 2013, the UN Security Council adopted a new resolution and imposed new sanctions on the DPRK in March, expanding financial sanctions on the DPRK, imposing controls on capital flows for weapon programs, allowing to inspect the DPRK’s airplanes, ships and diplomatic personnel carrying a large amount of cash which might be used to develop the DPRK’s nuclear programs.

    In June, the DPRK reaffirmed that the denuclearization of the DPRK had been the DPRK’s constant position and proposed to hold senior level official talks with the United States Responding to the DPRK’s proposal, the United States said it would like to hold reliable talks with the DPRK, however the DPRK should implement its obligations to the world including compliance with the UN Security Council’s resolutions. In October 2013, the DPRK stated that action for action was the basic principle and it would go nowhere to ask the DPRK to take actions first. The DPRK’s foreign spokesperson states that the United States insists on proposing unjustified pre-conditions to block the re-start of the Six-Party Talks and that means it has never been interested in re-starting the Six-Party Talks. Since the two countries have such poles-apart differences on the precondition of restarting the talks, whether the talks can be held soon is still in question.

    欧美日韩亚洲高清精品| 日韩大码丰满熟妇| 多毛熟女@视频| 色播在线永久视频| 97人妻天天添夜夜摸| 女人被躁到高潮嗷嗷叫费观| 男女无遮挡免费网站观看| 欧美激情极品国产一区二区三区| 人成视频在线观看免费观看| 中国三级夫妇交换| 在线观看国产h片| 欧美日韩国产mv在线观看视频| 国产精品免费视频内射| www.自偷自拍.com| 国产毛片在线视频| 在线天堂最新版资源| 久久国产精品大桥未久av| 免费高清在线观看日韩| 在线观看免费日韩欧美大片| 国产精品人妻久久久影院| 成人漫画全彩无遮挡| 观看美女的网站| 婷婷色综合www| 久久人人爽人人片av| 亚洲图色成人| 国产不卡av网站在线观看| 欧美最新免费一区二区三区| 成人黄色视频免费在线看| 久久久久视频综合| 亚洲成人手机| 黄网站色视频无遮挡免费观看| 波多野结衣av一区二区av| 亚洲第一青青草原| 亚洲av欧美aⅴ国产| 精品国产乱码久久久久久小说| 大片电影免费在线观看免费| 99九九在线精品视频| 一级黄片播放器| 乱人伦中国视频| 午夜免费男女啪啪视频观看| 永久免费av网站大全| 欧美日韩一级在线毛片| 在线观看国产h片| 超碰成人久久| 乱人伦中国视频| 亚洲男人天堂网一区| 美女脱内裤让男人舔精品视频| 女人久久www免费人成看片| 在线观看免费视频网站a站| 看免费成人av毛片| 青草久久国产| 国产一区亚洲一区在线观看| 亚洲综合精品二区| 国语对白做爰xxxⅹ性视频网站| 丝袜脚勾引网站| 国产亚洲av片在线观看秒播厂| 久久久国产精品麻豆| 这个男人来自地球电影免费观看 | 中国国产av一级| 欧美人与性动交α欧美软件| 中文字幕制服av| 久久久精品免费免费高清| 天天添夜夜摸| 又大又黄又爽视频免费| 最近中文字幕高清免费大全6| 97人妻天天添夜夜摸| 嫩草影视91久久| 宅男免费午夜| 电影成人av| 七月丁香在线播放| av国产精品久久久久影院| 五月天丁香电影| 中文字幕亚洲精品专区| 亚洲第一av免费看| 国产男女超爽视频在线观看| 久久免费观看电影| 国产精品三级大全| 曰老女人黄片| 午夜影院在线不卡| 精品免费久久久久久久清纯 | 五月开心婷婷网| 最近最新中文字幕大全免费视频 | 色精品久久人妻99蜜桃| 国产一区亚洲一区在线观看| 一区二区三区乱码不卡18| av线在线观看网站| 久久久久久久久久久免费av| 美女主播在线视频| 一二三四中文在线观看免费高清| 悠悠久久av| 欧美变态另类bdsm刘玥| 一级片免费观看大全| 久久久精品国产亚洲av高清涩受| 欧美精品av麻豆av| 岛国毛片在线播放| 韩国精品一区二区三区| 婷婷色av中文字幕| 国产欧美日韩一区二区三区在线| 欧美精品高潮呻吟av久久| 男女午夜视频在线观看| 日日啪夜夜爽| 激情五月婷婷亚洲| 久久热在线av| 99热网站在线观看| 精品国产一区二区久久| 日韩中文字幕视频在线看片| 成人国产麻豆网| 亚洲伊人久久精品综合| 亚洲成国产人片在线观看| 午夜激情久久久久久久| 中文精品一卡2卡3卡4更新| 王馨瑶露胸无遮挡在线观看| 女人高潮潮喷娇喘18禁视频| 国产有黄有色有爽视频| 1024视频免费在线观看| 大码成人一级视频| 99久国产av精品国产电影| 97在线人人人人妻| 成年人免费黄色播放视频| 国产精品偷伦视频观看了| 丰满乱子伦码专区| 精品少妇一区二区三区视频日本电影 | 一本大道久久a久久精品| 久久人人97超碰香蕉20202| 99re6热这里在线精品视频| 国产免费现黄频在线看| 视频区图区小说| 久久人人爽av亚洲精品天堂| 老汉色∧v一级毛片| 欧美老熟妇乱子伦牲交| 一级片免费观看大全| 大片电影免费在线观看免费| 欧美日韩精品网址| 国产又色又爽无遮挡免| 中文字幕另类日韩欧美亚洲嫩草| 少妇人妻久久综合中文| 亚洲,一卡二卡三卡| 成年av动漫网址| 国产精品二区激情视频| 十八禁人妻一区二区| 国产亚洲最大av| 久久精品久久精品一区二区三区| 另类精品久久| 国产午夜精品一二区理论片| 国产极品天堂在线| 久久热在线av| 在线亚洲精品国产二区图片欧美| 国产一区二区激情短视频 | 国产在线一区二区三区精| 在线精品无人区一区二区三| 男人操女人黄网站| 午夜福利视频精品| 涩涩av久久男人的天堂| 亚洲精品aⅴ在线观看| 精品久久蜜臀av无| www日本在线高清视频| 亚洲精品一区蜜桃| 欧美最新免费一区二区三区| 国产成人精品久久二区二区91 | 欧美精品一区二区免费开放| 美女扒开内裤让男人捅视频| 曰老女人黄片| 日韩欧美一区视频在线观看| 高清黄色对白视频在线免费看| 熟女少妇亚洲综合色aaa.| 国产精品嫩草影院av在线观看| 亚洲国产欧美一区二区综合| 国产免费视频播放在线视频| 午夜福利一区二区在线看| 香蕉国产在线看| 午夜日韩欧美国产| 久久毛片免费看一区二区三区| 亚洲美女黄色视频免费看| 一区二区三区四区激情视频| 天天影视国产精品| 精品福利永久在线观看| 亚洲精品av麻豆狂野| 久久精品国产a三级三级三级| 亚洲人成77777在线视频| 菩萨蛮人人尽说江南好唐韦庄| 国产免费一区二区三区四区乱码| 免费少妇av软件| 老汉色av国产亚洲站长工具| 天天操日日干夜夜撸| 日本猛色少妇xxxxx猛交久久| 亚洲精品日本国产第一区| 欧美在线黄色| 免费高清在线观看视频在线观看| 国精品久久久久久国模美| 一本久久精品| 美女午夜性视频免费| 在线天堂最新版资源| 七月丁香在线播放| 国产老妇伦熟女老妇高清| 国产成人午夜福利电影在线观看| 最黄视频免费看| 亚洲 欧美一区二区三区| 中文字幕亚洲精品专区| 男女之事视频高清在线观看 | 中文字幕人妻丝袜制服| 高清av免费在线| 九色亚洲精品在线播放| 欧美老熟妇乱子伦牲交| 亚洲av中文av极速乱| 久久久久久久久久久免费av| 一级片免费观看大全| 少妇的丰满在线观看| av卡一久久| 性色av一级| 欧美老熟妇乱子伦牲交| 国产精品成人在线| 欧美日韩亚洲国产一区二区在线观看 | 午夜福利视频精品| 国产高清国产精品国产三级| 一边摸一边抽搐一进一出视频| 精品国产一区二区三区四区第35| 国产精品成人在线| 啦啦啦中文免费视频观看日本| 最近的中文字幕免费完整| 搡老岳熟女国产| 黄频高清免费视频| 亚洲成国产人片在线观看| 欧美人与性动交α欧美软件| 考比视频在线观看| 久久性视频一级片| 亚洲七黄色美女视频| 在线观看免费日韩欧美大片| 9191精品国产免费久久| av在线老鸭窝| 亚洲av国产av综合av卡| 久久综合国产亚洲精品| 乱人伦中国视频| 制服丝袜香蕉在线| 国产人伦9x9x在线观看| 18禁观看日本| 欧美xxⅹ黑人| 国产一区二区 视频在线| 十八禁高潮呻吟视频| 国产成人精品久久久久久| 久久久久视频综合| 国产日韩欧美视频二区| 国产高清不卡午夜福利| 国产视频首页在线观看| 99热全是精品| 欧美最新免费一区二区三区| 日韩av免费高清视频| av国产久精品久网站免费入址| 成年人午夜在线观看视频| 日韩欧美一区视频在线观看| 亚洲色图 男人天堂 中文字幕| 日本爱情动作片www.在线观看| 欧美成人精品欧美一级黄| 久久久国产精品麻豆| 久久久久视频综合| 麻豆精品久久久久久蜜桃| 亚洲国产日韩一区二区| 色吧在线观看| 少妇 在线观看| 亚洲,欧美,日韩| 精品一区二区三区四区五区乱码 | 国产国语露脸激情在线看| 少妇猛男粗大的猛烈进出视频| 自线自在国产av| 精品免费久久久久久久清纯 | 午夜福利视频在线观看免费| av网站免费在线观看视频| 国产一区二区 视频在线| 亚洲图色成人| 国产精品 国内视频| av在线播放精品| 老熟女久久久| 午夜福利免费观看在线| www.精华液| 丝袜在线中文字幕| 男女下面插进去视频免费观看| 国产人伦9x9x在线观看| 欧美国产精品一级二级三级| 亚洲精品国产区一区二| 欧美在线一区亚洲| 91精品国产国语对白视频| 亚洲国产毛片av蜜桃av| 在线观看免费午夜福利视频| 国产精品久久久久成人av| 赤兔流量卡办理| 欧美日韩一级在线毛片| 国产精品99久久99久久久不卡 | 精品国产一区二区久久| 精品少妇一区二区三区视频日本电影 | 国产免费现黄频在线看| 又粗又硬又长又爽又黄的视频| 亚洲精品成人av观看孕妇| 亚洲国产日韩一区二区| 亚洲国产中文字幕在线视频| 欧美日韩亚洲高清精品| 伦理电影大哥的女人| 2018国产大陆天天弄谢| 亚洲国产欧美日韩在线播放| 亚洲av电影在线进入| 亚洲av福利一区| 一区二区三区激情视频| 黑丝袜美女国产一区| 夫妻午夜视频| 老司机靠b影院| 叶爱在线成人免费视频播放| 亚洲精品国产色婷婷电影| 自线自在国产av| 亚洲av欧美aⅴ国产| av在线播放精品| 欧美97在线视频| 两性夫妻黄色片| 人妻人人澡人人爽人人| 久热这里只有精品99| 亚洲欧美精品自产自拍| 国产视频首页在线观看| 久久久久国产精品人妻一区二区| 久久女婷五月综合色啪小说| 9色porny在线观看| 涩涩av久久男人的天堂| 久久精品亚洲av国产电影网| 好男人视频免费观看在线| 国产片特级美女逼逼视频| 婷婷色av中文字幕| 国产av精品麻豆| 丰满乱子伦码专区| 国产日韩欧美亚洲二区| 国产精品偷伦视频观看了| 婷婷色综合www| 考比视频在线观看| 18禁裸乳无遮挡动漫免费视频| 秋霞在线观看毛片| 亚洲av欧美aⅴ国产| 黑人猛操日本美女一级片| 一边摸一边做爽爽视频免费| 亚洲精品aⅴ在线观看| 免费在线观看视频国产中文字幕亚洲 | 高清欧美精品videossex| 免费高清在线观看日韩| 丰满少妇做爰视频| 精品国产乱码久久久久久男人| 热re99久久国产66热| 黄色一级大片看看| av卡一久久| 国产精品.久久久| 校园人妻丝袜中文字幕| 免费看不卡的av| av网站在线播放免费| 午夜影院在线不卡| 欧美日韩亚洲国产一区二区在线观看 | 高清欧美精品videossex| 色网站视频免费| 91精品伊人久久大香线蕉| 国产一区二区激情短视频 | av一本久久久久| 久久婷婷青草| 夫妻午夜视频| 1024香蕉在线观看| 综合色丁香网| 高清视频免费观看一区二区| 中文字幕最新亚洲高清| 欧美黑人欧美精品刺激| av国产精品久久久久影院| 精品少妇黑人巨大在线播放| 丁香六月欧美| 国产精品.久久久| 久久国产亚洲av麻豆专区| 日韩,欧美,国产一区二区三区| 日本av手机在线免费观看| 人妻一区二区av| 久久久久久久久免费视频了| 另类亚洲欧美激情| 亚洲情色 制服丝袜| 尾随美女入室| 午夜免费鲁丝| 欧美日本中文国产一区发布| 少妇猛男粗大的猛烈进出视频| 国产一区二区激情短视频 | 熟女少妇亚洲综合色aaa.| 美女午夜性视频免费| 2018国产大陆天天弄谢| 国产精品国产av在线观看| 丰满乱子伦码专区| 深夜精品福利| 最近中文字幕高清免费大全6| 国产一区二区三区综合在线观看| 亚洲,一卡二卡三卡| 九草在线视频观看| 99九九在线精品视频| 大陆偷拍与自拍| 中文字幕av电影在线播放| 日本黄色日本黄色录像| 亚洲婷婷狠狠爱综合网| 你懂的网址亚洲精品在线观看| 久久综合国产亚洲精品| 欧美激情极品国产一区二区三区| 精品国产国语对白av| 国产男女超爽视频在线观看| 9191精品国产免费久久| 亚洲欧美精品自产自拍| 亚洲一区中文字幕在线| 亚洲一区二区三区欧美精品| 999精品在线视频| 国产熟女午夜一区二区三区| 乱人伦中国视频| 十分钟在线观看高清视频www| 欧美精品高潮呻吟av久久| 啦啦啦在线观看免费高清www| 青春草视频在线免费观看| 夫妻午夜视频| 在线精品无人区一区二区三| 亚洲成人手机| 51午夜福利影视在线观看| 下体分泌物呈黄色| 欧美日韩亚洲综合一区二区三区_| 人人妻人人添人人爽欧美一区卜| 韩国精品一区二区三区| 久热爱精品视频在线9| 在线亚洲精品国产二区图片欧美| 中文字幕另类日韩欧美亚洲嫩草| 成人影院久久| 一个人免费看片子| 99精品久久久久人妻精品| 亚洲自偷自拍图片 自拍| 亚洲国产日韩一区二区| svipshipincom国产片| www.自偷自拍.com| 大香蕉久久成人网| 欧美日韩精品网址| 黑丝袜美女国产一区| 黄片播放在线免费| 久久国产精品男人的天堂亚洲| 观看av在线不卡| 亚洲欧美日韩另类电影网站| 一级毛片黄色毛片免费观看视频| 观看美女的网站| 一区福利在线观看| 菩萨蛮人人尽说江南好唐韦庄| 国产精品国产三级国产专区5o| 国产成人精品久久久久久| 中文字幕av电影在线播放| 欧美老熟妇乱子伦牲交| 97在线人人人人妻| 最近最新中文字幕免费大全7| 欧美av亚洲av综合av国产av | 免费黄频网站在线观看国产| 国产成人啪精品午夜网站| 国产午夜精品一二区理论片| 校园人妻丝袜中文字幕| 国产高清不卡午夜福利| 99九九在线精品视频| 满18在线观看网站| 激情视频va一区二区三区| 国产极品粉嫩免费观看在线| 亚洲国产毛片av蜜桃av| 中文字幕最新亚洲高清| 日韩熟女老妇一区二区性免费视频| 日韩免费高清中文字幕av| 久久97久久精品| 午夜福利在线免费观看网站| 亚洲四区av| 亚洲精品日韩在线中文字幕| 三上悠亚av全集在线观看| 日日撸夜夜添| 午夜免费男女啪啪视频观看| 一二三四中文在线观看免费高清| 国产成人精品久久久久久| 韩国av在线不卡| 欧美日韩福利视频一区二区| 一级爰片在线观看| 在线观看国产h片| 亚洲中文av在线| 亚洲综合精品二区| 丝袜人妻中文字幕| 国产爽快片一区二区三区| 亚洲一级一片aⅴ在线观看| 国产av一区二区精品久久| 日本av手机在线免费观看| 最近中文字幕2019免费版| 97人妻天天添夜夜摸| 波多野结衣一区麻豆| 十八禁高潮呻吟视频| 午夜久久久在线观看| 在线精品无人区一区二区三| 日韩免费高清中文字幕av| 亚洲激情五月婷婷啪啪| 亚洲国产成人一精品久久久| 自拍欧美九色日韩亚洲蝌蚪91| 熟女av电影| 国产1区2区3区精品| 51午夜福利影视在线观看| 日韩一区二区三区影片| 极品人妻少妇av视频| 在线观看免费视频网站a站| 日本av手机在线免费观看| 丝袜美腿诱惑在线| 国产乱来视频区| 人人妻人人澡人人看| 精品亚洲成国产av| 国产亚洲最大av| 日韩熟女老妇一区二区性免费视频| 国产精品嫩草影院av在线观看| 亚洲人成电影观看| 女人高潮潮喷娇喘18禁视频| 欧美精品av麻豆av| 亚洲人成77777在线视频| 777久久人妻少妇嫩草av网站| 久久99精品国语久久久| 久久人人97超碰香蕉20202| 2018国产大陆天天弄谢| 捣出白浆h1v1| av电影中文网址| 国产极品天堂在线| av在线app专区| 欧美精品av麻豆av| 成人亚洲欧美一区二区av| 欧美精品亚洲一区二区| 国产欧美日韩综合在线一区二区| avwww免费| 国产99久久九九免费精品| 中文字幕人妻丝袜制服| 国产无遮挡羞羞视频在线观看| 精品一区二区免费观看| 免费看不卡的av| 王馨瑶露胸无遮挡在线观看| 亚洲一区二区三区欧美精品| 99久久人妻综合| 欧美中文综合在线视频| 日韩熟女老妇一区二区性免费视频| 下体分泌物呈黄色| 国产国语露脸激情在线看| 亚洲精品久久成人aⅴ小说| 黄片播放在线免费| av.在线天堂| 亚洲成人一二三区av| 狂野欧美激情性xxxx| 亚洲成av片中文字幕在线观看| 我要看黄色一级片免费的| 青草久久国产| 在线观看一区二区三区激情| 午夜免费鲁丝| 午夜福利网站1000一区二区三区| 午夜精品国产一区二区电影| 中文精品一卡2卡3卡4更新| 亚洲精品美女久久av网站| 久久久久网色| 看非洲黑人一级黄片| 美女午夜性视频免费| 亚洲 欧美一区二区三区| 永久免费av网站大全| 狠狠精品人妻久久久久久综合| 亚洲欧洲日产国产| 免费高清在线观看日韩| 青春草国产在线视频| 亚洲精品乱久久久久久| 国产在线视频一区二区| 9热在线视频观看99| 在线观看免费午夜福利视频| 人妻 亚洲 视频| av卡一久久| 汤姆久久久久久久影院中文字幕| 亚洲成人免费av在线播放| 9色porny在线观看| 久久精品国产亚洲av高清一级| 18禁动态无遮挡网站| 男女边吃奶边做爰视频| 看十八女毛片水多多多| 狂野欧美激情性bbbbbb| 亚洲av男天堂| 99国产精品免费福利视频| 久久久久网色| 亚洲美女视频黄频| 亚洲第一青青草原| 99久国产av精品国产电影| 最黄视频免费看| 欧美变态另类bdsm刘玥| 美国免费a级毛片| 男人操女人黄网站| 久久精品aⅴ一区二区三区四区| 午夜日韩欧美国产| 久久性视频一级片| 青春草视频在线免费观看| av卡一久久| 大香蕉久久成人网| 欧美97在线视频| 精品少妇内射三级| 久久精品亚洲av国产电影网| 精品一区二区三卡| 嫩草影院入口| 两性夫妻黄色片| 一区福利在线观看| 日韩欧美精品免费久久| 午夜av观看不卡| 秋霞伦理黄片| av电影中文网址| 婷婷色综合大香蕉| 欧美黑人精品巨大| 美国免费a级毛片| 69精品国产乱码久久久| 在线观看免费视频网站a站| av国产久精品久网站免费入址| 日本av免费视频播放| h视频一区二区三区| 99九九在线精品视频| 成人黄色视频免费在线看| 80岁老熟妇乱子伦牲交| 一本大道久久a久久精品| 精品国产乱码久久久久久小说| 亚洲精华国产精华液的使用体验| 亚洲自偷自拍图片 自拍| 欧美日韩福利视频一区二区| 日韩欧美一区视频在线观看| 日韩免费高清中文字幕av| 在线观看免费午夜福利视频| 亚洲精品一二三| 不卡av一区二区三区| 久久这里只有精品19|