by Amanda R. Martinez

In late 2010， in the eleven days after an online video featuring two young men performing Michael Jacksons “Billie Jean” was posted， the film was viewed more than seven million times， provoking an 1）outpouring of comments from Chinese twenty and thirtysomethings who confessed to being moved to tears. The same generational 2）cohorts have also been flocking to the countrys few remaining staterun department stores. With their 3）hodgepodge of merchandise， the stores bear a striking resemblance to Americas 4）five-and-dimes—save for the faded Mao posters and the use of 5）abaci to tally up orders—and are among the only places where young people can find guohuo， the state-produced consumer products they grew up with.

Such outbreaks of bittersweet sentiments are perhaps an expression of Chinas strong interest in its own history， or attempts at maintaining a sense of cultural continuity. But recent psychological research on the cognitive function of nostalgia suggests that the cause of this wave could be the post-eighties 6）contemporary social experience.

A number of studies have revealed that when we suffer from certain psychological 7）ailments—loneliness， social isolation， self-doubt， negative mood， and the feeling that life is meaningless—nostalgia can act as a coping mechanism. Through nostalgia， the researchers claimed， we bring back to the surface evidence of past triumphs and close relationships， times when our lives felt safe and ordered.

But nostalgia could be a source of mental 8）resilience and motivation. “When you become nostalgic， you dont become past-oriented. You want to go out there and do things.” Constantine Sedikides， a psychologist and nostalgia expert at the University of Southampton， said.

If there is a poster population for nostalgias selfregulatory effects， it is Chinas post-eighties generation. As the nations first generation of only children， the posteighties 9）are predisposed to loneliness. They came of age 10）in tandem with Chinas transition to a more market-based economy， a fateful stroke of timing through which they were enlisted as involuntary 11）trailblazers， tasked with defining what it means to be both modern and Chinese. While their parents received state-appointed factory jobs and governmentsubsidized housing， they were encouraged to pursue their dreams amidst a 12）fluctuating social structure with few defined paths. Studying hard and making top grades became a generational cornerstone； academic diligence， it was understood， would lead to a more fulfilling professional life， and greater wealth. But the emphasis on education has produced more university graduates than positions with which to employ them.

Now in their late twenties or early thirties， the post-eighties are trying to navigate a 13）desolate job market， often as the sole financial providers for both their children and their parents （as is Chinas custom）. Many left their rural hometowns for the more prosperous cities only to face 14）vicious competition for scarce white-collar jobs. To vie for scant promotions， they work eleven-hour days and engage in 15）brutal office politics. Housing costs are out of reach for most， with the real-estate price-toincome ratio in cities like Shanghai and Beijing as high as twenty-three to one， yet post-eighties men are under 16）tremendous pressure to own a home before they propose marriage. Add to all of this urban overcrowding， 17）unprecedented pollution， and a barrage of food-safety scandals （in the last six months alone， there have been rumors of 18）anthrax in beef， rat meat sold as lamb， chicken laced with unsafe levels of 19）antibiotics， thousands of dead pigs found in a river that supplies Shanghais water， and the discovery that the countrys bottled water may be as bad or worse than its tap water）， and the resulting stress presents an onslaught of nostalgias known psychological triggers. Xinyue Zhou， a psychologist at Sun Yat-sen University， in Guangzhou， said， “The uncertainty， the lack of control over our lives， is most unbearable to the post-eighties， so we have to seek confirmation from the past.”

Marketers have been eager to capitalize on the post-eighties newly 20）materialistic longing： Chevrolet and Hewlett-Packard launched nostalgic campaigns in recent years， while national brands， such as Huili Warrior sneakers， Forever bikes， and Jianlibao soda， have taken the opportunity to revive old products.

Chinas young adults arent the only ones reeling from the countrys dramatic social shifts. Rampant health and safety issues， as well as the general transition from a more community-focussed culture to one that values individual wealth， have people of all ages yearning for a simpler， more trustworthy time. But the post-eighties， as the first generation to come of age in a China with global consumerism， popular culture， and technology， have， by far， the most universal cultural references through which to express their nostalgia. An 21）emblematic example is the generations 22）rekindled obsession with Transformers. In July， 2007， the American film The Transformers opened in China， becoming the countrys second-highest-grossing foreign film at the time， and sparking a 23）resurgence in the toys popularity.

2010年底，一段主要講述兩位年輕人表演邁克爾·杰克遜的《比利·吉恩》的在線視頻在網(wǎng)上發(fā)布11天后，其點(diǎn)擊率超過(guò)七百萬(wàn)次，引發(fā)了中國(guó)二三十歲年輕人的大規(guī)模評(píng)論，他們都坦言為之感動(dòng)落淚。同樣這個(gè)年齡層的人，他們還蜂擁至中國(guó)現(xiàn)存為數(shù)不多的國(guó)營(yíng)百貨商店。這類百貨商店商品種類繁多，琳瑯滿目，與美國(guó)的廉價(jià)品商店極為相似——只不過(guò)少了褪色的毛主席招貼畫以及用來(lái)結(jié)賬的算盤。國(guó)營(yíng)百貨商店是僅存能找到伴隨著這些年輕人成長(zhǎng)的“國(guó)貨”的地方之一。

這種苦樂(lè)參半情緒的懷舊潮可能是中國(guó)人對(duì)祖國(guó)歷史濃厚興趣的表達(dá)，又或是試圖保持一種文化傳承之感。但是最近就懷舊認(rèn)知作用所做的心理學(xué)研究顯示，形成這一思潮的原因可能是80后這一輩人的社會(huì)經(jīng)歷。

許多研究表明，當(dāng)我們?cè)馐苄睦沓霈F(xiàn)小毛病時(shí)——孤獨(dú)、社交孤立、自我懷疑、負(fù)面情緒，覺得生活沒(méi)有意義——懷舊能夠充當(dāng)一種應(yīng)對(duì)的手段。研究人員表示，通過(guò)懷舊，我們回到過(guò)往輝煌成就和密切關(guān)系的表層實(shí)證之中，回到我們?cè)?jīng)生活感覺安全而有序的時(shí)光。

但懷舊情緒也可能是重振精神和獲取動(dòng)力的來(lái)源。南安普頓大學(xué)心理學(xué)家、懷舊情緒專家康斯坦丁·塞迪基德斯說(shuō)：“當(dāng)你變得懷舊時(shí)，你并不會(huì)僅僅關(guān)注過(guò)去。你想要從那里走出來(lái)，開始做些事情?！?/p>

如果說(shuō)懷舊自律效應(yīng)作用于某一特例人群的話，那就是中國(guó)的80后一代了。作為中國(guó)第一代獨(dú)生子女，80后容易感到孤獨(dú)。他們成長(zhǎng)的年代恰逢中國(guó)轉(zhuǎn)型至市場(chǎng)經(jīng)濟(jì)，在這個(gè)重大的時(shí)代關(guān)口，他們非自愿地成為開荒牛，肩負(fù)著定義中國(guó)式現(xiàn)代化的重任。他們的父母有著國(guó)家分配的工作以及政府補(bǔ)貼的房子，而他們卻要在前路迷茫、動(dòng)蕩不安的社會(huì)結(jié)構(gòu)中追逐自己的夢(mèng)想。努力學(xué)習(xí)、考取高分成為一代人的基石；人們認(rèn)為勤奮學(xué)習(xí)就可以創(chuàng)造更完美的職業(yè)人生，同時(shí)獲得更多的財(cái)富。但是對(duì)教育的過(guò)分重視使得大學(xué)畢業(yè)生供過(guò)于求。

如今，80后已經(jīng)二十多快三十歲，又或者三十出頭了，他們正努力駕馭這個(gè)荒蕪的就業(yè)市場(chǎng)，同時(shí)他們又是子女和父母唯一的經(jīng)濟(jì)支柱（中國(guó)的傳統(tǒng)如是）。許多人離開偏遠(yuǎn)家鄉(xiāng)去到更為繁榮的城市里，但卻面臨著殘酷的競(jìng)爭(zhēng)，爭(zhēng)奪為數(shù)不多的白領(lǐng)工作崗位。為了獲得稀缺的升職機(jī)會(huì)，他們每天工作11個(gè)小時(shí)，參與殘酷的辦公室政治。住房成本對(duì)于大多數(shù)人來(lái)說(shuō)遙不可及，像上海、北京這樣的城市，房?jī)r(jià)與收入比高達(dá)23：1，但是80后則承受著結(jié)婚前必須買房的巨大壓力。除此之外，城市的過(guò)于擁擠、史無(wú)前例的污染問(wèn)題、以及一連串的食物安全丑聞（單單在過(guò)去的六個(gè)月里，已經(jīng)傳出這樣的流言：牛肉中含炭疽、老鼠肉充當(dāng)羊肉出售、雞肉中抗生素超出安全標(biāo)準(zhǔn)、上海供應(yīng)飲用水的河流中發(fā)現(xiàn)大量死豬，以及國(guó)內(nèi)瓶裝水水質(zhì)不如自來(lái)水），以及這些問(wèn)題帶來(lái)的壓力觸發(fā)了懷舊情緒的心理誘因。廣州中山大學(xué)的心理學(xué)家周欣悅說(shuō)：“對(duì)80后而言，生活的不確定性以及對(duì)自己人生的無(wú)法掌控，是最難以忍受的，所以我們不得不從過(guò)去尋求肯定。”

營(yíng)銷人員一直對(duì)80后這種新興的唯物主義渴求心理虎視眈眈：近年來(lái)，雪佛蘭和惠普發(fā)起懷舊主題的宣傳企劃，不過(guò)，眾多國(guó)產(chǎn)品牌像回力鞋、永久牌自行車、健力寶飲料等已經(jīng)在復(fù)蘇舊貨的市場(chǎng)中搶占先機(jī)。

中國(guó)的年輕人并非唯一受害于國(guó)家戲劇性社會(huì)變動(dòng)的人群。健康和安全問(wèn)題肆虐，加上從關(guān)注社會(huì)文化到重視個(gè)人財(cái)富的全面轉(zhuǎn)型使得所有年齡層的人渴望一個(gè)更簡(jiǎn)單、更值得信賴的時(shí)代。但是作為在全球消費(fèi)主義、流行文化和技術(shù)時(shí)代下成長(zhǎng)起來(lái)的第一代中國(guó)人，80后至今擁有最多常用的、用以表達(dá)他們懷舊情緒的文化參照物。其中一個(gè)具代表性的例子就是這代人復(fù)燃了對(duì)變形金剛的衷情。2007年7月，美國(guó)電影《變形金剛》在中國(guó)上映，成為當(dāng)時(shí)中國(guó)票房收入第二高的外國(guó)影片，也重新掀起一股變形金剛玩具的熱潮。