胡安·布斯蓋茲/Joan Busquets

尚晉，龐凌波 譯/Translated by SHANG Jin, PANG Lingbo

作者單位：哈佛大學(xué)研究生院/GSD, Harvard University

譯者單位：北京清華同衡規(guī)劃設(shè)計研究院/THUPDI

我們可以將巴塞羅那看作一種城市傳統(tǒng)悠久的歐洲地中海城市原型。在歐洲南部，城市大多具有特定的形式特征和歷史形成過程：其城市形式的密度、緊湊性及它們通過擴張而非推倒重建的演進方式，將它們與歐洲北部的城市區(qū)分開來。其地中海的自然條件還賦予了它們溫和的氣候，以及與這片古老海灘的各種殖民文化之間的關(guān)聯(lián)。

作為西班牙加泰羅尼亞的首府，這座城市在過去的200 年中與現(xiàn)代城市的發(fā)展及其工業(yè)化增長同步，實現(xiàn)了大規(guī)模的擴張。2019 年，巴塞羅那市有162.0943 萬居民住在98.21km2的土地上，其大都市區(qū)人口約為450 萬。

1 巴塞羅那，一座2000年歷史城市的誕生

今天的巴塞羅那市最初的起源要追溯到公元前1 世紀，很可能在公元前15-公元前13 年之間。那時它正處于羅馬統(tǒng)治之下。羅馬人來到這里的時間則略早，與公元前218 年恩波里翁的建立屬于同一時期。從那時起，這一地區(qū)的羅馬化就蒸蒸日上。

巴爾奇諾殖民地就建立在早先聚居地的位置上，如同大部分加泰羅尼亞的羅馬聚居地。這一時期，地處平原的很多羅馬村莊以谷物生產(chǎn)為業(yè)。它在塔伯山系上的位置決定了它的戰(zhàn)略地位，那是兩條激流之間夾著的高差約達15m 的小海岬。激流靠近大海意味著由它們形成的盆地在某種程度上提供了一座天然海港。

巴爾奇諾殖民地的選址遵循了與大羅馬帝國環(huán)地中海建立殖民地相同的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)。這宏大的殖民過程以地中海為樞紐，而海運與密集的羅馬路網(wǎng)使之四通八達。

2 圍墻之內(nèi)的城市形態(tài)

基于數(shù)十項縱橫交錯的工程，巴塞羅那得以建成。這些工程相互影響，彼此成就。

在明確的功能需求（防御、通行、供給、衛(wèi)生等）之上，裝飾和美化的需求逐漸完善并與之結(jié)合，創(chuàng)造出了這座復(fù)雜多變、妙趣橫生的城市，人們通常稱之為“老城”。為了梳理這一系列工程，特別是為了闡明營造和修補這座老城的手段，對它研究十分必要。老城幾何的復(fù)雜度及其空間的豐富性，反映出的是縝密而理性的干預(yù)手段，這些手段已然超越了一般的有機論，或是當(dāng)?shù)卣J為老城僅是歷史產(chǎn)物的觀點所能解釋的范疇。

作為對歷時性解釋的補充，有一種闡釋方法著眼于那些構(gòu)成城市形態(tài)的結(jié)構(gòu)要素。這種方法或許有助于從共時性角度理解包括片段、基底與幾何形態(tài)在內(nèi)的巴塞羅那老城的環(huán)境特征。

1 海濱老城被新城包圍的現(xiàn)狀/Nowadays old city near the sea and surrounded by the new city

Barcelona can be considered as the prototype of a Mediterranean European city with a long urban tradition. Cities in the south of Europe have quite specific formal characteristics and processes of historical formation: the density and compactness of their urban form and their evolution by means of extension rather than remodelling sets them apart from the European cities of the north. Furthermore, their Mediterranean nature gives them very temperate climatic conditions and has involved them in the various cultures to have colonised the shores of this historical sea.

This city has played the role of capital of Catalonia within Spain and in the last two centuries has undergone major growth, coinciding with the development of the modern city and its industrial expansion. In 2019, Barcelona city had 1,620,943 inhabitants living in 98.21 square kilometres, and its large metropolitan area had a population of around 4,5 million inhabitants.

1 The birth of Barcelona, a two thousand years old city

But the first Barcelona, the germ of today's city, dates back to the 1st century BC, possibly between the years 15 and 13, under Roman domination. The arrival of the Romans had taken place sometime before, coinciding with the founding of Emporion in 218 BC, and the Romanisation of the region was by then well under way.

The colony of Barcino stands on the site of earlier settlements, like most Catalan Roman settlements. At the same time, various Roman villages in the plain accounted for the farming of crops. Its strategic position is due to its situation on Mons Taber, a small promontory rising to an approximate height of fifteen metres, between two torrents. Their proximity to the sea meant that their basins to some extent provided a natural port.

Barcino was sited according to the same criteria as the many other colonies of the great Roman Empire established the length and breadth of the Mediterranean region, with the Mare Nostrum as the hub of this widespread colonisation, well communicated both by maritime transport and by the dense network of Roman roads.

2 老城價值與形態(tài)的綜合圖/Synthetical map of the old city's values and morphologies

2 The urban forms inside the walled city

The city is constructed on the basis of dozens of projects, superposed and transforming and complementing each other.

Clearly defined functional requirements (defence, access, supply, hygiene, etc.) have been gradually complemented by the desire to embellish and decorate, which, combined, have produced this highly complex and interesting city that is normally referred to as the historic or medieval city, or old town. Research was needed to clarify the succession of projects and, most importantly, to interpret the instruments used to construct and modify the historic city. Its geometric complexity and spatial richness respond to considered, rational interventions that go beyond the purely organic or local views of the old town as the product of history.

To complement what is intended as a diachronic explanation, there is the interpretation of the structural elements of the urban form that may serve to explain synchronically the parts, footprints and geometries relevant to an understanding of the environmental values of Ciutat Vella.

They form three main blocks: enclosures, linear elements and functional outlines.

The enclosures are basically the enceintes that have left a real or virtual mark on the city's outline: The Roman wall, the wall built along the Rambla today reflected in streets with the name of Ronda surrounding Ciutat Vella.

The linear elements, representing communications and access to buildings, can be divided into three types: historical roads that have become urban streets; streets of housing, designed with geometric regularity to provide access to buildings; and passages, pedestrian routes connecting urban thoroughfares.

A third block includes functional spaces and covers a series of very varied categories: from monumental complexes, usually marking important city events, to the urban spaces produced by the clearing or demolition of buildings to open up the city. Finally, there is also a series of "amorphous" spaces, often produced by conflicts between new ways of organising the old town, but we will return to this subject later.

3 老城中主要干預(yù)措施的疊加圖/Overlapping main interventions in the old city

這些結(jié)構(gòu)要素主要可分為3 類：邊界、線性元素，以及功能規(guī)劃。

老城的邊界是指給城市輪廓留下物理或視覺印跡的城廓：如羅馬城墻，這曾沿蘭布拉大街修建的圍墻，如今以環(huán)繞巴塞羅那老城被稱為“環(huán)路”的街道形式呈現(xiàn)。

線性元素代表著交通網(wǎng)絡(luò)和建筑通路，可分為3 種類型：歷史道路，如今成為了城市道路；住宅區(qū)道路，為方便出入按規(guī)則的幾何形設(shè)計；以及通行步道，連接城市大道的人行路線。

第三類結(jié)構(gòu)要素涵蓋多種不同類型的功能空間：從紀念性建筑群——通常用以舉辦重要的城市活動，到開敞的城市空間——由清理拆除房屋后產(chǎn)生。還有一系列“不定形”空間，通常是由組織老城的新方法之間的沖突帶來的，留待下文詳細探討。

3 城市更新與提升過程的對比

我們認為自19 世紀中葉以來，老城的肌理主要發(fā)生了兩大變化：

（1）更新認定為消極的舊城組織。因為它們?nèi)狈ΜF(xiàn)代設(shè)施，所以就遭到了清理和更新。這樣做或是出于衛(wèi)生需求，或是種投機行為，從巴黎到鹿特丹，類似的案例不勝枚舉。一些現(xiàn)代的手段——主要基于勒·柯布西耶觀點的那些，當(dāng)時正朝著這個方向發(fā)展。這就是“由外而起的城市改造”。

（2）考慮到歷史城區(qū)提升和改善的需求，同時，試圖將紀念性價值與“社會的現(xiàn)代需求”結(jié)合起來。

關(guān)于巴塞羅那和其他西班牙老城再生理念的發(fā)展，一定程度上要慢于歐洲中部的城市。巴黎和維也納曾發(fā)生的老城是否應(yīng)當(dāng)進行“現(xiàn)代化”的爭論及在這方面具有開拓性的成果，很晚才在我們的語境里出現(xiàn)?？赡茉谶@一點上，每個地方的輕重緩急是不同的，而對巴塞羅那而言，“擴展區(qū)”是當(dāng)時的一大挑戰(zhàn)。

在近幾十年中，這個爭論已有了長足的發(fā)展。但巴塞羅那老城所面臨的一大問題仍然是戰(zhàn)后缺乏可靠的城市再生理念與干預(yù)手段，而同一時間，其他歐洲城市的更新工作早已緊鑼密鼓地開展。我們可以看到在1960-1970 年代，主要的規(guī)劃工作都集中在興建“大巴塞羅那”的都市擴張上，而巴塞羅那老城更多地同其他老城一樣，維持原有城市秩序不變。這便促成了“提升過程”的發(fā)生。

4 始于老城“之外”的城市改造

塞爾達和加里加與羅加使用了不同的規(guī)劃模型來進行老城的整體改造。加里加將一種中庸的更新體系整體用于老城：依照類型對建筑進行替換和翻新，營造街道，提升紀念建筑的周邊環(huán)境，并在不斷擴張的“擴展區(qū)”建立一些節(jié)點。這些項目所運用的機制都在19 世紀上半葉進行過嘗試，可以認為是一種“由內(nèi)而起的改造”。與之相對的是，塞爾達街倡導(dǎo)將“擴展區(qū)”寬闊街道的新城市秩序作為合理化和重構(gòu)巴塞羅那老城的機制。紀念區(qū)順理成章地被更精細的城市“手工織補”重構(gòu)，但顯然，這樣做需要采用一種與豪斯曼巴黎計劃類似的外加的規(guī)劃標(biāo)準(zhǔn)。然而，對于塞爾達，部分項目仍是以“延續(xù)與改造”的方式完成的。更令人遺憾的是，“延續(xù)與改造”的關(guān)系并未在規(guī)劃中提出，而是在50年后單獨實施的，因此既脫離歷史情境，又因為所采取的手段與塞達爾的規(guī)劃并不一致，形成了比最初方案高得多的密度。城市的清理拆除也進展緩慢，困難重重，耗時半個世紀才最終完成。

1879 年，《拜塞拉斯規(guī)劃》為老城制定了一個特別行動策略，從整體布局上對大部分原有肌理進行重構(gòu)。該規(guī)劃在開發(fā)商的個人努力下于10 年后通過。

在市議會與西班牙殖民銀行達成協(xié)議后，規(guī)劃最終于1907 年全部實施。這是巴塞羅那第一個政府與私人企業(yè)合作的城市更新項目，盡管有鐵路和基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施的先例。這一協(xié)議使“干道A” 萊埃塔那大街得以建成，并按照塞爾達最初的布局將“擴展區(qū)”與港口相連。

萊埃塔那大街在巴塞羅那的城市發(fā)展過程中是至關(guān)重要的，因為它將城市的兩個動態(tài)焦點連接起來：工業(yè)港口和新的住宅增長區(qū)。此外，它從老城中間穿過，提高了該區(qū)域的可達性。得益于萊埃塔那大街規(guī)劃為代表的創(chuàng)新，巴塞羅那的新興中心圣若梅廣場延續(xù)了它的象征和功能作用：這條新街不僅提供了一條通路，還促成了新的建筑，如辦公樓和商業(yè)樓的建設(shè)，為老城中心帶來了真正的發(fā)展動力。這條街道的建設(shè)也使在路面下修建地鐵成為可能。

3 Urban renewal versus improvement process

We assume that in the historic urban fabric there are two main process of transformation since mid-19th century:

(1) Renewal of the old urban tissues considered negative because there were built without the modern conditions; then it must be erased and renewed. This happen for hygienic or for speculative reasons and can be seen in many examples from Paris to Rotterdam. Some modern approach - mainly under Le Corbusier perspective - were moving in this direction. This will be: "Urban reform from outside".

(2) Another attitude is to consider the need of improvement and changes in the historic city but trying to merge the monumental values with the "modern needs of society".

The evolution of ideas about regeneration of the old city, both in Barcelona and the rest of Spain, has been somewhat slower than in central Europe. The application of the major debate about the "modernisation" and "maintenance" of the old town which took place in Paris and Vienna and the translation of seminal works on the subject were slow to enter our context. Here, in all likelihood, the priorities were different, as the Eixample was the great challenge for expansion of the time.

The debate has advanced a great deal in recent decades, but one of the major problems facing Ciutat Vella is still the absence of well-founded ideas and interventions in the post-war period, when European cities were working on renovation. We even see how major planning work in the sixties and seventies was concentrated on extending the city to produce Greater Barcelona, and Ciutat Vella was one part more of the existing city with regulations like those of other old towns. This constitutes the "improvement process".

4 Urban reform from the "outside" the old city

Both Cerdà and Garriga i Roca had used different planning models to address the overall reform of the old town. Garriga applied an intermediate system of renovation to the old town as a whole: substituting buildings and renovating them typologically, building streets, improving the environs of monuments and establishing singular points of connection with the growing Eixample, all project mechanisms that had been tried and tested in the first half of the 19th century, considered as "Reform from within". Conversely, Cerdà championed the new urban order of the broad streets of the Eixample as the mechanism to rationalise and restructure Ciutat Vella. The monumental areas were of course recomposed in a finer task of urban "hand stitching", but there was evidently an external planning criterion to be imposed along the lines of Haussmann's proposals in Paris. For Cerdà, however, "extension and reform" formed part of the same project. Sadly, this association was not envisaged when the Plan was passed, and it was applied separately fifty years later and, therefore, out of context and using different instruments to those devised by Cerdà, accommodating far higher densities than those suggested in his original project. The opening up or sventramento of the city also took place slowly and with great difficulties, taking half a century to complete.

In 1879, the Baixeras Plan defined a specific strategy for action in Ciutat Vella, with general layouts to restructure most of the existing fabric. The Plan was passed after ten years, thanks to the personal efforts of the developer.

The operation was finally undertaken in 1907 thanks to an agreement between the Council and Banco Hispano Colonial. This was Barcelona's first urban renovation operation involving combined public and private initiative, though the railways and utility infrastructures were a precedent. This agreement enabled the construction of Artery A, also known as Via Laietana, to join the Eixample with the port according to a layout initially proposed by Cerdà.

Via Laietana Street would be fundamental in the urban development of Barcelona, since it connected the city's two focuses of dynamism: the industrial port and an area of new residential growth. Furthermore, the fact that it ran through the middle of the old town increased this area's accessibility. The seminal heart of Barcelona-Pla?a de Sant Jaume-continued to play its symbolic and functional role thanks to the innovation represented by Via Laietana: the new street not only provided access, it led to the construction of new buildings, offices and businesses that gave the old centre a real fillip. The construction of the street also meant that the Metro line could be built beneath it.

4 塞爾達的最初規(guī)劃以及與當(dāng)前城市地圖的疊加/Cerdà' s original plan and the overlapping to the current city map

5 拜塞拉斯的最初規(guī)劃與當(dāng)前城市地圖的疊加/Baixeras' original plan and the overlapping to the current city map

6 萊埃塔那大街從1893-1930年打開的過程/Via Laietana's opening up process along 1893 to 1930

萊埃塔那大街建設(shè)的這一案例在一定程度上解釋了老城改造中所采用的不同實施邏輯。

相對于老城中其他并未被有效打開的街道而言，這個項目是成功的。干道B（同干道A 一樣的垂直方向，從蒙塔內(nèi)爾一直延伸到港口）和干道C （從城堡到蒙特惠奇山腳下）從未真正建成，計劃中只有零星片段真正得到征收。盡管這些街道在后續(xù)的規(guī)劃中得以延續(xù)（1916 年的《達德爾規(guī)劃》及戰(zhàn)后的《比拉塞卡規(guī)劃》），它們從未得到行政機制或充足資金的支持。

在萊埃塔那大街的這個案例中，規(guī)劃顯然產(chǎn)生了有悖常理的效果。因為為了合理化和更新這個區(qū)域，它們被“調(diào)整”了，而其布局就像是一個規(guī)劃方案中的投影部分，雖然從未被實施，其所帶來的影響也無法徹底被消除。這種優(yōu)柔寡斷被建筑的產(chǎn)權(quán)所有者利用，作為不修理破敗老建筑的借口，導(dǎo)致這些區(qū)域逐步淪為名副其實的棚戶。

規(guī)劃的陰影與實際方案之間的灰色地帶，是對衰敗地區(qū)和不定形空間之所以存在的一種解釋。這些空間既沒有體現(xiàn)出恢復(fù)歷史肌理的邏輯，也沒有體現(xiàn)出基于創(chuàng)新理念形成的新概念。

5 1985年以來的提升過程

這個過程的規(guī)劃和干預(yù)手段主要分為5 個部分，而后是一系列強調(diào)新中期“愿景”的總結(jié)性反思。

5.1 既有的規(guī)劃沖突與重構(gòu)策略：創(chuàng)建小型廣場和改善原有住房

應(yīng)當(dāng)指出的是，巴塞羅那老城特殊的規(guī)劃現(xiàn)狀及其相對的多樣性意味著有些區(qū)域仍未達到今天社會認可標(biāo)準(zhǔn)的生活條件，因而會被某些特定的社會群體占據(jù)。對此，有些指標(biāo)顯示，這些區(qū)域有形成貧民窟的可能，就像不久前曾發(fā)生過的那樣。盡管在居住、經(jīng)濟或規(guī)劃層面為了重新激活這些區(qū)域而付出了大量的努力，仍有很多地方需要直接或間接的行動。

干預(yù)的規(guī)模和形式可能不得不從此為之一變。像短期的大規(guī)模干預(yù)（針對開放空間、新居住肌理及文化和博物館活動等等）這樣的手段，可能會被其他更接近現(xiàn)有城市肌理類型的規(guī)劃所取代。在對街區(qū)詳細地研究后，我們發(fā)現(xiàn)了相當(dāng)多的空置住宅。通過收購它們，我們可以妥善地進行翻新并提供給居民使用，這樣就可以在盡量少地拆除具有戰(zhàn)略意義的街塊的情況下，實現(xiàn)在城市中心增加新公共空間的目的。

許多規(guī)劃的不和諧問題都是由那些讓人難以接受的建設(shè)項目帶來的，一般包括在庭院中的加建或建設(shè)超高。這就需要一種新的干預(yù)邏輯，分為兩個方面：

7 房屋拆除前后的梅爾塞廣場，目的是營造“露天”效果，并為住房再認定創(chuàng)造空間/Mercé square before and after its demolition to introduce "open air" and create room for housing requalification

8 干道B最終成為拉巴爾街區(qū)的一條新蘭布拉大街/Artery B finally became a new Rambla for Raval's neighbourhood

（1）以“微干預(yù)”的方式進行城市更新，這主要針對超高建設(shè)或在庭院中及屋頂上的“過度”建設(shè)。通過改善通風(fēng)條件，這些住宅建筑群和街區(qū)得以重新投入使用。

The episode of the construction of Via Laietana goes some way to explaining the different logic of operation applied in the transformation of Ciutat Vella.

The relative success of this operation contrasts with the inefficiency with which other streets through the old town had been opened up. Artery B (also vertical, an extension of Muntaner down towards the port) and Artery C (from the citadel to the foot of Montju?c) were never actually built and only small remnants of their layouts were actually expropriated. Although these streets were picked up by subsequent plans (the Darder Plan in 1916 and the Vilaseca Plan after the war) they never had the backing of administrative mechanisms or sufficient funds.

In this case, the plans had a plainly perverse effect, since they had been "justified" to rationalise and update the district, whereas their layout was like a planning designation that cast a shadow, never carried out but never entirely erased. This indecisiveness was used by the owners of the buildings in question as an excuse not to repair old structures in poor conditions, which gradually deteriorated into absolute hovels.

This grey area between the planning shadows and actual schemes was one explanation for the existence of run-down areas and amorphous spaces that responded neither to the logic of rehabilitated historical fabrics nor to a new conceptualisation on the basis of innovative ideas.

5 Improvement process since 1985

They are organised in five chapters, followed by a series of more general reflections which highlight new mid-term "visions".

5.1 The existing planning tensions and the restructuring strategy: Creating small plazas and improving the existing housing

It should be pointed out that the special planning conditions of Ciutat Vella and their relative diversity mean that some sectors still have inadequate living conditions according to today's socially accepted standards and are therefore occupied by different social groups. Here there are indicators which suggest the potential formation of ghettos, as in previous moments of recent history. Despite the major efforts which have been made to reactivate the area in residential, economic and planning terms, there are still places which seem to require direct and indirect action.

The scale and forms of intervention will probably have to be different from now on. It seems as though large-scale shock interventions (directed at open space, new residential fabric, cultural and museum activity, etc.) may be making way for another type of scheme which identifies more closely with the urban fabrics. After detailed study of the blocks we had discovered that there is quite a lot of empty dwelling. By buying them, we can refurbish properly and offer to residents to be able to demolish few strategic blocks and add new public space in the city centre.

Many of the planning tensions detected have been produced by specifically inadmissible cases of construction, generally building in courtyards and to excessive heights. This calls for a new logic of intervention on two fronts:

(1) Urban renovation by means of "microinterventions" which act on excessively built-up points or "excess" construction in courts and on rooftops, with a view to recycling these complexes of houses and streets by giving them improved ventilation.

(2) Transformations on the basis of urban spaces, seeking to stimulate the continuity of the streets, either directly or by means of small squares with subsequently improved uses, particularly for pedestrians and to air dwellings. It is proven that an improved capillary network can be coherent with

（2）基于城市空間的改造，意在直接激發(fā)街道的連續(xù)性，或直接或通過對小廣場進行一系列的功能改善——特別是為人行提供便利，以及改善住宅通風(fēng)。實踐證明，改善后的毛細網(wǎng)絡(luò)能夠與這些場所的特色相協(xié)調(diào)。

5.2 老城遺產(chǎn)價值的延伸與完善

通過對建筑的在保存其紀念性價值、確定需要特別保護的對象及其周圍的環(huán)境的重新分類梳理，遺產(chǎn)的投射主體已得到明晰。

關(guān)于城市肌理的街道、廣場和特別空間形成的研究，以及對建筑序列的類型化闡釋表明，巴塞羅那老城需要明確紀念性建筑或空間的觀念應(yīng)對他們擴展其歷史價值的認識，這里的價值已擴展到它們在社會層面的象征意義而不僅停留在它們被認為或被設(shè)計為紀念物的這個事實——盡管它們被歸類為“古跡或歷史空間”。

這種方法要求在老城不同的區(qū)域采用不同的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)，因為不同地點的“紀念性程度”和“歷史”及價值是不同的。每個部分都需要特定的評估標(biāo)準(zhǔn)，否則很難讓像拉巴爾這樣的區(qū)域契合其應(yīng)有的遺產(chǎn)地位。

需要強調(diào)的是，應(yīng)將遺產(chǎn)視為活躍、積極的要素，由此就可以將空間和建成系統(tǒng)闡釋為同樣用于經(jīng)濟和文化策略的地區(qū)分級政策的要素，并加以調(diào)動。

5.3 以建筑為基礎(chǔ)的干預(yù)

對近期改造或重建項目的觀察，為建筑師、管理者、施工公司、政府機構(gòu)等城市改造者提供了某些工作導(dǎo)則，是他們能夠改進干預(yù)的方法，以獲得更好的整體效果。

例如，涉及設(shè)施現(xiàn)代化的住宅單體“修復(fù)”，與建筑或建筑群的“整體復(fù)興”分別進行似乎是可取的，而且從巴塞羅那老城的角度，必須不惜一切代價地推廣這種做法，以避免城市的衰敗。這就需要立法和管理措施來確保住宅存量仍以個體所有為主，而不是走入淘汰的境地，這樣城市的復(fù)興就是一種對老城的可持續(xù)保護。

對于新建筑，必須投入大量的精力在重構(gòu)和重建項目的類型化改造上。介入巴塞羅那老城的一致性，有賴于類型化的適應(yīng)性改造，這涉及了建筑材料、開窗比例等方面，但并非是風(fēng)格上的問題。顯然在歷史地段，對于創(chuàng)新性創(chuàng)作的尊重或仔細的再闡釋，充分的評估是必要的。

5.4 強化老城的“核心價值”：對大型“空置容器”——不再使用的大型歷史建筑——的再利用

9 疊加在老城上的規(guī)劃和干預(yù)措施：住房、設(shè)施及主要公共 空間/Overlapping plans and interventions in the old city: housing, facilities and main open spaces

將大學(xué)的一部分遷到老城中心，建造一座巴塞羅那當(dāng)代文化中心那樣的大都市文化中心，并使它成為對市民和游客的重要吸引點，所采取的就是這個策略。沿著這一思路，我們就可以認識到很多項目的價值：波克里亞老市場的翻建及其向馬薩納藝術(shù)學(xué)校的擴建，以及建筑師恩里克·米拉萊斯設(shè)計的圣凱瑟琳市場與住宅區(qū)。

5.5 重新闡釋城市結(jié)構(gòu)

大都市系統(tǒng)的公共交通方面，老城具有高度的可達性。這是確保維護區(qū)域在功能和代表性方面“核心”價值的基礎(chǔ)，這樣的有利條件不應(yīng)被破壞。因此，進一步地調(diào)節(jié)和限制私家車的通行很有必要，畢竟老城區(qū)街道規(guī)劃的承載力有限，而且必須避免與遺the special characteristics of these places.

10 阿拉馬達-韋爾梅街改善了老城的開放空間網(wǎng)絡(luò)：另一 個由廢棄街區(qū)的戰(zhàn)略選擇性拆除創(chuàng)造開放空間的例子/ Allamada-Vermell street improves the old city's open space network: another example of open space out of selective strategic demolition of derelict blocks

11 1977年和2019年的波克里亞市場和文化中心區(qū)及拉馬 薩納藝術(shù)學(xué)校/The Boqueria and Cultural Centre area in 1977 and 2019 and La Massana Art School

5.2 Extension and completion of the heritage values of Ciutat Vella

The body of reflection on heritage has been rationalised by means of work on the new catalogue in which buildings, in keeping with their monumental value, establish objects and surroundings which require particular protection.

Studies on the formation of the urban fabric streets, squares and outstanding spaces and the typological interpretation of built series suggest that in the case of Ciutat Vella, there is a need for the concept of monumental buildings or spaces to be extended to their historic value that is, their value in terms of social representation rather than due to the fact that they were conceived or designed as monuments, despite being classified as "monuments or historic spaces".

This approach must be applied to the various sectors of Ciutat Vella on the basis of different criteria, as the degree of "monumentalisation" and "history", and therefore their values, clearly varies from one place to the next. Each sector calls for specific valuation criteria: otherwise it will be difficult for sectors such as El Raval to be accorded their corresponding heritage role.

It is worth stressing the fact that heritage should be seen as an active, positive element, so that spaces and built systems can be interpreted and mobilised as elements in a reclassification policy which also applies to economic and cultural strategies.

5.3 Architecture-based intervention

The observation of recent rehabilitation or reconstruction interventions suggests certain guidelines for how urban agents like architects, managers, construction companies, government agencies, etc. can improve their interventions to produce a better overall result.

(1) For example, it seems advisable to separate the individual "rehabilitation" of a dwelling involving the modernisation of its services from the "overall rehabilitation" of a building or built complex (series of buildings) which, from the viewpoint of Ciutat Vella, has to be promoted at all costs to prevent deterioration. This case requires legal and management action to ensure that the residential stock, still predominantly marked by individual ownership, does not enter into a process of obsolescence. Rehabilitation should, then, take the form of sustainable conservation.

12 巴塞羅那當(dāng)代文化中心庭院：原先的修道院如今是一個 帶有開放空間的文化中心/The courtyard of the CCCB: the former convent is now a cultural center with open spaces

(2) As regards new architecture, efforts must focus on a typological reworking of restructuring and reconstruction operations. The coherence of intervention in Ciutat Vella is reliant on its typological adaptation, which should extend to the construction materials, the proportion of openings, etc., rather than being a question of style. It is evident that on historic sites, respect for or a careful reinterpretation of seminal compositions has to be duly evaluated.

5.4 Reinforcing the "central value" of the old town by recycling large "empty containers" - large historical building without use any more

This was the strategy to bring part of the University to the centre and to create a metropolitan cultural centre like CCCB, becoming a major attraction for citizens and tourists.

In the same line, we can acknowledge the refurbishing of old markets as Boqueria and his extension towards Massana Arts School and Santa Caterina market and housing sector developed by architect Enric Miralles.

5.5 Reinterpreting the urban structure

The high degree of accessibility of Ciutat Vella with regard to the metropolitan system by means of public transport. This is a favourable condition which should not be undermined, as it is one of the bases for ensuring the maintenance of the district's "central" value in functional and representative terms. For this very reason, private car access needs further modulation and restriction, as the capacity of the area's street layout is limited and conflict with heritage values must be prevented.

Furthermore, it is necessary to "clarify" the use of streets for activities which support the most scattered fabrics (residence, shops and services).Conversely, the general urban structure still offers opportunities which are very important to a better organisation of spaces devoted to residents and visitors.

6 Long-term strategy

Another important issue is perhaps Ciutat Vella's forms of relation with the rest of the metropolitan area. It is true that the attraction that some parts of the city hold for others lies in their intrinsic qualities, but above all in their accessibility. This includes systems of access using public transport but also private mobility, which is much more restricted than in other city areas which grew up alongside mechanical forms of mobility. A new understanding of the present-day situation in the light of restricted access, parking and public transport policies could contribute to an explanation of the qualities of Ciutat Vella with regard to the rest of the system.

Particular care is also needed to understand its relations with adjacent districts, principally the Eixample and Poble Sec, by means of the use of lateral spaces such as the Rondes (Ring Road), 產(chǎn)價值形成沖突。

13 此外，需要新的住宅項目來填補住房的缺口/Also, new housing projects were needed to fill the gap of housing shortage

14 公交車線路、地鐵站和火車站賦予了老城中心性，并實 現(xiàn)了紀念性空間的步行化/Bus lines, subway stations and railway station brings centrality to the old city and allows the peatonalisation of monumental spaces

此外，有必要“明確”街道在支撐大部分稀疏的肌理（住宅、店鋪和設(shè)施）運作中所起到的作用。相對的，整體城市結(jié)構(gòu)仍有多重機遇，對于更好地組織服務(wù)居民和有空的空間十分重要。

6 長期策略

另一個重要問題可能就是老城與大都市區(qū)其他部分的關(guān)系的形式。無疑，城市某些部分對其他地方構(gòu)成吸引力的是它們的內(nèi)在品質(zhì)，而首要的就是可達性，這包括了公共交通系統(tǒng)的可達性及私家車的移動性，不過比起其他按照移動性的機械形式生長出來的城區(qū)，老城對后者的限制要多得多。從限行、限停車和公共交通政策的角度重新理解當(dāng)前的狀況，有助于解釋老城相對于巴塞羅那市系統(tǒng)其余部分的特質(zhì)。

還需要特別注意的是，要通過在老城墻遺址上的“環(huán)路”這種側(cè)向空間區(qū)，理解它與擴展區(qū)和Poble Sec 等鄰近市區(qū)的關(guān)系。這種思考意在重新考慮老城中“切向”或內(nèi)部干道要素的作用，比如萊埃塔那大街、哥倫布大道和“環(huán)路”。

與維也納和漢堡等其他歐洲城市不同，巴塞羅那標(biāo)明老城城廓界線的歷史“環(huán)路”從未能給老城墻與新城提供相互關(guān)聯(lián)的良好空間。不過這個局面如今仍有可能被扭轉(zhuǎn)。

關(guān)于干預(yù)的可能性，以下3 點尚可討論：

（1）從實現(xiàn)更大程度整合的角度對城市規(guī)劃和遺產(chǎn)空間的干預(yù)；

（2）以各分區(qū)的總體復(fù)興為目標(biāo)的公共干預(yù)與多方干預(yù)。這些分區(qū)均已徹底更新，因此可以與公共空間的干預(yù)進行聯(lián)動；

（3）為實現(xiàn)文化、旅游、社區(qū)復(fù)興等的策略，可為規(guī)劃的介入提供互補性空間。

為了嘗試理解老城在巴塞羅那總體城市系統(tǒng)中的潛在作用，這將帶來對其全面的評估。把多種“愿景”或“策略”當(dāng)作討論的基本要素而不是提出最佳選擇，以此發(fā)掘老城的巨大潛力。

巴塞羅那老城與其他歐洲的歷史城市之間的比較，也能夠揭示某些中期策略所能帶來的可能性。

經(jīng)過努力將巴塞羅那老城的核心角色重新定位為文化、教育和博物館中心，如今或許是一個提倡歷史旅游線路的最佳時機，這將提升老城遺產(chǎn)的一致性。對 “博物館-城”的概念尚有考慮的空間，這可使城市更趨向于“藝術(shù)城市”的方向發(fā)展，并以此避免負面的專門化。

類似地，一種形式更為緊湊的復(fù)興，能夠借由討論一種假設(shè)，建立將老城作為一系列“住宅街道”和“住宅鄰里”，以及作為一座具有其獨特性的“住宅城市”的認識。

還可以重新激活“典型城市”理念，并在羅馬式城市中心劃定各種空間，通過環(huán)形休閑步道優(yōu)化紀念性空間的大規(guī)模旅游開發(fā)，以減少負面影響，并助力其他游線。

這樣我們就可以根據(jù)歷史上或當(dāng)今的用途來談?wù)摗俺鞘屑捌錃v史空間”——無論是綠色空間還是建成空間，這將證明這些空間引發(fā)或傳播重要活動的能力，以及聯(lián)系那些遍布城市肌理中的小規(guī)模第三產(chǎn)要素。這會突出地體現(xiàn)在某些最重要的公共空間中。

這些“方向”能夠調(diào)動和催化出各種行動，對空間和建筑進行評估，并從城市中為其找出對今天具有實用價值和代表性的內(nèi)容。曾在城墻的庇護下生長和轉(zhuǎn)型的巴塞羅那老城，發(fā)展成為了今天活力四射、魅力無窮的大型中心。

在這樣的情況下，對老城的干預(yù)產(chǎn)生了一種新的方法。這種方法基于對具代表性的關(guān)注，從而產(chǎn)生對現(xiàn)實的其他闡釋。這些闡釋或許會讓我們更接近一個這樣的愿景：城市的歷史是基于個體世界的新建筑形式的產(chǎn)生與基于集體世界的新城市空間的產(chǎn)生之間持續(xù)的辯證的結(jié)果。這種創(chuàng)造性的關(guān)系在老城中有著生動的體現(xiàn)，而且這種創(chuàng)造性的關(guān)系應(yīng)當(dāng)繼續(xù)維持，為老城的復(fù)興提供語境。在這一過程中，一種雙重特性亟待關(guān)注：充滿本地歷史特色的大都市空間，這種賦予它特有價值的組合?！鮫n the site of the old town wall. This reflection is intended to reconsider the role of the "tangential" or internal arterial elements in Ciutat Vella, such as Via Laietana, Passeig Colom and the Rondes.

15 老城的新專題視圖：休閑與文化城市、商業(yè)城市、藝術(shù) 城市/New thematic views for the old city: the city of leisure and culture, commerce, and art

Unlike other European cases such as Vienna and Hamburg, the historic rondes of Barcelona, marking the boundary of the old enceinte, have never provided a good space of interrelation between the old town walls and the new city. It may still be possible to set this situation to rights.

As regards possibilities for intervention, there are few areas to debate:

(1) Intervention in urban planning and heritage spaces with a view to achieving greater integration;

(2) Public and mixed interventions aimed at the overall rehabilitation of sectors which have been definitively brought up to date and can therefore be linked to interventions in public spaces, etc.

(3) Sectorial strategies for culture, tourism, social rehabilitation, etc., which may produce complementary spaces for planning intervention.

This would lead to a global evaluation of the old walled town in an attempt to understand its potential roles in Barcelona's overall urban system.Various "visions" or "strategies" are formulated as general elements for discussion with a view to highlighting Ciutat Vella's vast potential, rather than prioritising any one of them as being the best.

A comparison of the old town of Barcelona with other historic centres in Europe reveals the possibility of certain mid-term strategies.

After efforts to reinstate culture, education and museums to a central role in Ciutat Vella, this might be a good moment to suggest historic itineraries which would increase its coherence in terms of heritage. There is room for reflection on the concept of the "museum-city" to direct it more towards a "city of art" and therefore avoid negative specialisation.

Similarly, a more compact form of rehabilitation could help to produce an understanding of Ciutat Vella as a series of "streets of houses" and "neighbourhoods of houses" a "city of houses" with specificities of its own, by way of a hypothesis for discussion.

The idea of the "representative city" could also be reactivated, with its assigned spaces at the heart of the Roman city, and leisure and walking circuits to rationalise the mass tourist use of its monumental spaces, in an attempt to reduce negative impact and support other itineraries.

We could then speak of the "city and its historic spaces", be they green or built, according to their historic or present-day use, which demonstrate their capacity to induce or disseminate central activities and consolidate the small-scale tertiary elements scattered throughout its fabric, which could best be expressed in some foremost public spaces.

These "directions" could mobilise and catalyse various initiatives which would evaluate and find present-day, practical and symbolic contents for the spaces and buildings within the city which grew and transformed inside the town walls, and which has developed into the large centre of today that is so full of life and charm.

And against this backdrop, interventions can bring to bear a new approach based on a concern with representation which produces other interpretations of reality. They will perhaps bring us closer to a vision of the history of the city as an ongoing dialectic result of the invention of new forms of architecture, based in the individual world, and the invention of new urban spaces, based in the collective world. It is this creative tension which is so vitally expressed in Ciutat Vella and which should continue to provide the context for its recuperation. This process calls for attention to a dual condition: a metropolitan space full of the local conditions of its history, a combination which gives it its particular interest.□

16 翻修后的圣凱瑟琳菜市場，其混合功能包括了養(yǎng)老住房/ The refurbished food market of Santa Caterina with has a mix-use program to include housing for the elderly