By+Mike+Mariani

Make America great again. Clearly the message resonated. In 2016 the Public Religion Research Institute， a nonpartisan2 group， published its annual American Values Survey. It revealed 51% of the population felt the American way of life had changed for the worse since the 1950s. Further， 70% said American society has gotten worse since that romanticized decade.

Of course America today has its problems， but many indices3 of standards of living show the general population is better off now than it was 60 years ago. We live on average 10 years longer， the education rate is higher， as is homeownership. When it comes to crime， The Atlantic reported last year， “By virtually any metric4， Americans now live in one of the least violent times in the nations history.”

So why do so many people see the past as better than today？ For many of them， it may well have been. Middleand working-class Americans seduced by appeals to earlier eras may have had higher-paying jobs with better benefits， greater financial security， and a more defined place in the community. Perhaps they were happier. For some， cultural changes since the Saturday night sock-hop may have only strengthened their beliefs that American values have frayed.5 But an innate psychological trait may also explain why people tend to view the past as better than today： nostalgia.

Most everybody knows the term nostalgia， if not its origin. It was coined by Swiss physician Johannes Hofer in 1688： a portmanteau6 of nostos and algos， Greek words for homecoming and pain or distress， respectively. And most have an understanding that nostalgia means finding pleasure in remembering or reliving a past experience—hearing a favorite old song， for instance， or remembering a stirring love affair.

Recent science， though， makes good on the etymology of the term.7 It reveals nostalgia is not just a wistful glow associated with pleasurable events and experiences.8 It is an innate response to pain or distress， and， in some sense， a coming home. Whats more， cognitive scientists say， a defining trait of nostalgia is its capacity to distort the past.

In the process of looking back， people tend to filter out negative or painful experiences. Memories themselves are often not what they seem. They are not hardwired in our brains， a factual representation of our autobiographical pasts.9 Rather， memory is fluid， and were constantly reframing our personal histories to fit into a greater life arc. In many cases， the past looks as halcyon as it does because rosy hindsight molds it to appear that way to help us maintain mental health.10 Our past is constantly shifting to accommodate our present.

When Clay Routledge， the author of Nostalgia： a Psychological Resource， began researching nostalgia， he was interested in how this universally shared feeling might help us better deal with the future. “I started out with this very specific hypothesis of nostalgia as a coping resource，” he says.“We can reflect back in time on experiences that we find personally meaningful. Might we use such past-oriented experiences as a way to cope with future-oriented anxieties？”

Pursuing this hunch， Routledge and a team of researchers began looking at the potential benefits of “nostalgizing，” as they termed it： How it might help us maintain equilibrium11 in times of crisis， recall loving relationships， and generally lean on the bright spots in our pasts. Their studies contextualized nostalgias utility， showing that its frequently triggered by low moods， loneliness， and even a sense of meaninglessness. These triggers suggested that nostalgia might be a kind of defense mechanism， a way to maintain resiliency during periods of anxiety， despair， and existential distress.12 “What seems to be the case is that nostalgia can be an adaptive tool to deal with a lot of psychological threats，” he says.

Nostalgia， it turns out， helps cultivate what psychologists call “self-continuity.”The concept refers to our ability to maintain our identity and sense of self through the vicissitudes13 of our life spans， from the death of a loved one to a career change to devastating illness.“Self-continuity means the sense that I have this stable， continuous sense of self，” Routledge says. Self-continuity gives coherence to our lives， the impression that there is a permanent， unchanging self underneath the random events and crises that transform our circumstances over the years.

Past research has found self-discontinuity—this sense of estrangement from past selves—to be a maladaptive trait，14 something that causes psychological distress. But a strong sense of self-continuity can help combat those episodes of disjuncture15 in our lives. So how does nostalgia enhance ones self-continuity？

Routledge and his co-authors rated participants on two scales. The first， the Social Readjustment Rating Scale， looks at major life events that may disrupt self-continuity and elicit16 self-discontinuity. The second was the Southampton Nostalgia Scale， a rating system for nostalgia-proneness17. They found a positive correlation18 between experiences that induce self-discontinuity and an individuals nostalgia proneness.

These findings indicate that nostalgia is a natural response to self-discontinuity， a psychological tool that mitigates19 damage to our sense of self. Routledge explains that the various phenomena associated with autobiographical memory—chiefly psychological biases called fading affect and rosy retrospection—are ideally suited to induce nostalgia.20 “The way these memories work， works perfectly for nostalgia，” he says. In other words， the memories inducing nostalgia have been burnished and idealized over time， shorn of their negative aspects.21 But these recollections serve an important adaptive purpose. When people are experiencing situations that challenge that sense of self and make them feel uncertain about life， they naturally recruit nostalgia as a way to restore that self-continuity.

Nostalgia was used to counteract episodes of selfdiscontinuity， and it also strengthens our sense of an overarching22 self over a lifetime. Routledge gives the example of long-term relationships. “When you say ‘I love you， the assumption underlying that very statement is that theres something unchanging about the essence of who we are，” he says. “If you didnt have those unchanging aspects， it would be extremely difficult to have serious long-lasting human relationships.”

But self-continuity still doesnt fully explain how nostalgia casts its spell23. What enables us to focus only on certain events and episodes， or cut through ambivalence and zero in on the happier aspects of our relationships？24 As it turns out， our memories are partial. Biased. They are not objective representations of our pasts. Instead， they often magnify our positive experiences， while gradually diminishing negative ones. This is referred to as the fading affect bias.

To delve25 further into memory， Routledge is working on a study in which Britons who were children during World War II put together narratives of their experiences. While most of the narratives include many painful and even traumatic26 episodes—children being estranged from their parents or hiding underground during the Nazi bombing of Britain—their accounts of the war also invoke dimensions that may have taken decades to fully reveal themselves. Despite all the fear and upheaval， survivors recall spending time with extended family，27 reaching an intimacy with their cousins， aunts， and uncles that wouldnt have been possible outside of those extraordinary circumstances. “Theyve been able to re-construe28， or learn some sort of life lesson from that experience， which at the time must have been terrifying.”Routledge says.

“There is a real concern about the potential dark side of nostalgia，” Routledge says. “What I think people are doing is imagining the positive. Theyre plucking29 features that they think are better， like ‘Oh， maybe life was simpler， or people could get better jobs. I dont know what theyre holding onto but it doesnt necessarily mean that it was true， first of all. And theyre probably not thinking about who it negatively affected.”

Still， the point remains that nostalgia， an innate， adaptive trait， is a necessary guide through the thickets30 of memory and experience. In the end， says Routledge， “Our brains are just trying to make sense of life.”

讓美國再次偉大。顯然這一信息引起了共鳴。2016年大眾宗教研究所（一個(gè)無黨派組織）發(fā)布了其年度《美國價(jià)值觀調(diào)查》。這份調(diào)查顯示51%的民眾認(rèn)為美國生活方式自20世紀(jì)50年代以來每況愈下，而且70%的民眾表示美國社會(huì)自那個(gè)被人們賦予浪漫情懷的十年以來變得更糟了。

當(dāng)然，今時(shí)今日美國是存在問題的，但是多項(xiàng)反映生活水平的指標(biāo)都表明大眾如今的生活要比60年前好。我們平均多活10年，受教育比率更高，而且自有住房率也更高。而談到犯罪問題，《大西洋月刊》去年報(bào)道稱，“無論以什么標(biāo)準(zhǔn)來衡量，美國人如今身處本國歷史上暴力問題最不嚴(yán)重的時(shí)代。”

那么為何有如此多的人認(rèn)為過去比現(xiàn)在要好？對(duì)于其中不少人而言，實(shí)際情況確實(shí)如此。那些被訴諸早年時(shí)光的說辭所打動(dòng)的美國中產(chǎn)階級(jí)與工薪階級(jí)也許當(dāng)年工作收入更高、福利更好、財(cái)產(chǎn)狀況更加穩(wěn)定，而且在群體中有更明確的位置。也許他們過去更幸福。對(duì)于一些人來說，自周六之夜跳sock-hop舞以來的文化變遷或許只是讓他們更加堅(jiān)信美國價(jià)值觀在每況愈下。但一種天生的心理特質(zhì)也許可以解釋為何人們傾向于認(rèn)為過去比現(xiàn)在要好：懷舊心理。

幾乎所有人都知道nostalgia（懷舊）這個(gè)詞，即使不知其來源的話。這個(gè)詞由瑞士醫(yī)生約翰內(nèi)斯·霍弗于1688年創(chuàng)造：一個(gè)由nostos與algos構(gòu)成的混成詞。在希臘語中nostos意思是回家，而algos的意思是痛苦或者悲傷。按照大部分人的理解，懷舊指的是在回憶或者重歷過去中尋找愉悅——聽一首心愛的老歌，比方說，或者回憶一段刻骨銘心的愛情往事。

近來，懷舊一詞被證實(shí)在詞源學(xué)上有其科學(xué)依據(jù)。它揭示了懷舊并不只是對(duì)令人愉悅的事件與經(jīng)歷戀戀不舍的強(qiáng)烈情感，而且是一種應(yīng)對(duì)痛苦或悲傷的天生的反應(yīng)，或者，從某種程度來說，是一種“回家”。此外，認(rèn)知科學(xué)家表示，懷舊的典型特點(diǎn)之一就是扭曲過去的能力。

在回顧過往的過程中，人們傾向于過濾掉負(fù)面或者痛苦的經(jīng)歷。記憶本身常常并不是它們看起來的那樣。它們并非天生存在于我們的大腦中，并不是對(duì)我們個(gè)人過往經(jīng)歷的事實(shí)呈現(xiàn)。相反，記憶是流動(dòng)的，我們不斷重構(gòu)自己的歷史來將其融入更大的生命弧線。在很多情況下，過去看上去那樣美好幸福是因?yàn)榇竽X在事后會(huì)將其涂抹得如玫瑰般美好，從而幫助我們維持心理健康。我們的過去在不斷調(diào)整中適應(yīng)著我們的現(xiàn)在。

當(dāng)《懷舊：一種心理資源》的作者克萊·羅特里奇開始研究懷舊心理的時(shí)候，他所感興趣的是這種普遍存在的感受究竟如何幫助我們更好地應(yīng)對(duì)未來。“我將懷舊心理作為一種應(yīng)對(duì)資源，沿著這一特定的假設(shè)出發(fā)，”他說道，“我們可以回顧過去那些對(duì)我們個(gè)人而言有特別意義的經(jīng)歷。我們是不是利用這種過去的經(jīng)歷來應(yīng)對(duì)未來的焦慮？”

沿著這個(gè)直覺走，羅特里奇和他的研究團(tuán)隊(duì)開始觀察“沉湎于懷舊”（他們?nèi)绱嗣┑臐撛诤锰帲壕烤箲雅f如何幫助我們?cè)谖C(jī)之時(shí)維系平衡，回想起愛心滿滿的關(guān)系，并且總體而言就是讓過往人生中的閃光點(diǎn)給予我們支撐。他們的研究將懷舊的用處放在了具體的情境中，并表明懷舊常常是由人們感到情緒低落、孤獨(dú)甚至人生失去意義所引發(fā)的。這些誘因讓人不免推測：懷舊或許是某種防御機(jī)制，一種在人們感到焦慮、絕望甚至懷疑自身存在意義之時(shí)維持復(fù)原能力的方式。“懷舊可以作為一種適應(yīng)性工具來應(yīng)對(duì)諸多心理方面的威脅，似乎就是這樣，”他說道。

事實(shí)證明，懷舊心理幫助人們培育出心理學(xué)家所說的“自我連續(xù)性”。這一概念指的就是我們?cè)跉v經(jīng)滄桑之時(shí)——無論是摯愛離世還是事業(yè)變動(dòng)亦或是重病降臨——維持自我身份和自我意識(shí)的能力?！白晕疫B續(xù)性意味著我有這種穩(wěn)定、持續(xù)的自我意識(shí)，”羅特里奇說道。自我連續(xù)性讓我們的生命連貫一致，讓我們產(chǎn)生這樣一種印象：在世事無常、旦夕禍福之下有著一個(gè)永久不變的自我。

過去的研究發(fā)現(xiàn)自我中斷性——同過去那個(gè)自我的疏離感——是一種適應(yīng)不良的特質(zhì)，會(huì)產(chǎn)生心理上的憂慮。但強(qiáng)烈的自我連續(xù)感可以幫助我們戰(zhàn)勝那些生命中斷裂的篇章。那么究竟懷舊心理如何增強(qiáng)一個(gè)人的自我連續(xù)性呢？

羅特里奇和他的合著者在兩個(gè)評(píng)級(jí)上對(duì)參與者進(jìn)行了評(píng)定。第一個(gè)是社會(huì)適應(yīng)性的評(píng)級(jí)，它針對(duì)的是可能會(huì)打斷自我連續(xù)性并且?guī)碜晕抑袛嗟娜松笫?。第二個(gè)是南安普頓懷舊心理評(píng)級(jí)，這是一個(gè)為懷舊心理傾向度進(jìn)行評(píng)定的系統(tǒng)。他們發(fā)現(xiàn)引起自我中斷的經(jīng)歷與個(gè)體的懷舊心理傾向度之間存在正相關(guān)的關(guān)系。

這些研究結(jié)果表明懷舊心理是對(duì)自我中斷的一種自然反應(yīng)，一種減輕對(duì)自我意識(shí)進(jìn)行破壞的心理工具。羅特里奇解釋說，與個(gè)人過往經(jīng)歷的記憶息息相關(guān)的諸多現(xiàn)象——主要是被稱為“情感消退”和“玫瑰色回顧”的心理偏誤——極其適合引發(fā)懷舊心理。“這些記憶的運(yùn)作模式與懷舊心理簡直是絕配，”他說道。換句話說，引發(fā)懷舊心理的那些記憶隨著時(shí)間推移被加工和美化，其中負(fù)面的部分則被剔除。但這些記憶有著非常重要的令人保持適應(yīng)性的作用。當(dāng)人們正在經(jīng)歷會(huì)對(duì)自我意識(shí)構(gòu)成挑戰(zhàn)并讓自己對(duì)人生感到不確定的事情時(shí)，他們會(huì)自然而然地利用懷舊心理來恢復(fù)自我連續(xù)性。

懷舊心理被用來抵消那些自我中斷的人生篇章，而且懷舊也在一生中增強(qiáng)了我們高于一切的自我意識(shí)。羅特里奇用長期關(guān)系來舉例?！爱?dāng)你說‘我愛你，這句話的基本假設(shè)就是我們的本質(zhì)中有永恒不變的成分，”他說道，“一旦失去了那些永恒不變的部分，那么你將很難擁有認(rèn)真、長久的人際關(guān)系?！?/p>

但自我連續(xù)性仍然不能完全解釋懷舊心理如何產(chǎn)生魔法般的效果。究竟是什么讓我們將目光僅僅鎖定在人生中特定的事件與經(jīng)歷上，或者讓我們不再糾結(jié)，瞄準(zhǔn)我們的關(guān)系中幸?？鞓返姆矫妫吭蚓褪?，我們的記憶是不客觀的，是帶有偏見的。它們并沒有客觀地反映我們的過去。相反，它們常常強(qiáng)化我們的正面經(jīng)歷，同時(shí)逐漸弱化負(fù)面經(jīng)歷。這被稱作情感消退偏誤。

為了進(jìn)一步探究記憶，羅特里奇正在開展一項(xiàng)研究：由童年在二戰(zhàn)中度過的英國人敘述各自的經(jīng)歷。盡管大部分的敘述包括許多痛苦甚至慘痛的經(jīng)歷——孩子被迫與父母分離或者在納粹轟炸英國期間躲藏在地下掩體中——他們對(duì)于戰(zhàn)爭的敘述也喚起那些可能花了數(shù)十年才完全展現(xiàn)出來的部分。盡管在戰(zhàn)爭中擔(dān)驚受怕、顛沛流離，幸存者仍然回憶起與大家庭相處的時(shí)光，因?yàn)橐皇窃趹?zhàn)爭的特殊情況下他們幾乎不可能與遠(yuǎn)親有那樣親密的關(guān)系。“他們能夠重新理解那段經(jīng)歷或者從中學(xué)到某種人生經(jīng)驗(yàn)，而那段經(jīng)歷在當(dāng)時(shí)肯定是十分恐怖的。”羅特里奇稱。

“懷舊心理潛在的負(fù)面影響確實(shí)不免讓人感到擔(dān)憂，”羅特里奇說道，“我認(rèn)為人們現(xiàn)在所做的就是在假想好的方面。他們挑出他們認(rèn)為更好的那些特質(zhì)，比如說‘噢，也許生活曾經(jīng)更簡單，或者人們過去可以找到更好的工作。我不知道他們?cè)谏岵坏眯┦裁?，但首先這并不一定意味著他們記憶中的過去是真實(shí)的，或許他們并沒有考慮誰過去曾受到過負(fù)面影響?！?/p>

然而，懷舊作為一種天生、適應(yīng)性的特質(zhì)，為人們穿過錯(cuò)綜復(fù)雜的記憶與經(jīng)歷提供了必要的指導(dǎo)，這一點(diǎn)是成立的。最后，羅特里奇表示，“我們的大腦只是在試圖弄清楚生活的意義?！?/p>

1. Make America great again： 此句起初是里根1980年的總統(tǒng)競選口號(hào)，后被特朗普選為其2016年總統(tǒng)競選口號(hào)。

2. nonpartisan： 無黨派的。

3. indices： index的復(fù)數(shù)形式，（改變或變化的）標(biāo)志，指標(biāo)。

4. metric： 度量標(biāo)準(zhǔn)。

5. sock-hop： 20世紀(jì)50年代美國流行的一種非正式舞蹈，因跳舞時(shí)通常脫下鞋子只穿襪子跳而得名；fray： 磨損。

6. portmanteau： 合并詞，混成詞。

7. make good on： 兌現(xiàn)，履行承諾；etymology： 詞源，詞源學(xué)。

8. wistful： 思念的，依依不舍的；glow：（某種）強(qiáng)烈的情感。

9. hardwired： 在心理學(xué)中，指（人類行為）天生的；autobiographical：自傳式的。

10. halcyon：（舊日時(shí)光）安寧幸福的；rosy：美好的，樂觀的；hindsight： 事后的認(rèn)識(shí)。

11. equilibrium： 平衡。

12. resiliency：（又作resilience）恢復(fù)力，復(fù)原力；existential： 關(guān)于人類存在的。

13. vicissitudes： [復(fù)] 興衰變遷，世事變化。

14. estrangement： 疏遠(yuǎn)，疏離，后文estrange為動(dòng)詞；maladaptive： 適應(yīng)不良的。

15. disjuncture： 分離，分裂。

16. elicit： 引出，引起。

17. proneness： 傾向。

18. positive correlation： 正相關(guān)，指兩個(gè)變量同時(shí)變大或變小，其中引起變化的量叫自變量，另一個(gè)叫因變量。

19. mitigate： 減輕，緩和。

20. fading affect： 指的是與負(fù)面情緒相關(guān)的信息比與正面情緒相關(guān)的信息更容易被忘記；rosy retrospection： 指的是美化過去的記憶。

21. burnish： 擦亮，磨光；be shorn of： 被 剝奪，被除去，shorn為shear（剪，剝奪）的過去分詞。

22. overarching： 支配一切的，首要的。

23. cast a spell： 向……施魔法。

24. ambivalence： 矛盾情緒，矛盾心理；zero in on： 瞄準(zhǔn)，全神貫注于某人（或某事）。

25. delve： 探究，鉆研。

26. traumatic： 造成創(chuàng)傷的。

27. upheaval： 動(dòng)亂，劇變；extended family：指相對(duì)于核心家庭而言，包括祖父母、外祖父母、叔叔阿姨等親屬的大家庭。

28. construe： 理解，領(lǐng)會(huì)。

29. pluck： 拔（毛）。

30. thicket： 小樹叢，亂糟糟的一團(tuán)。

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∷秋葉 評(píng)

這個(gè)標(biāo)題似乎頗有點(diǎn)深意：How Nostalgia Made America Great Again（懷舊如何讓美國再次偉大）?！白屆绹俅蝹ゴ蟆笔翘乩势赵诟傔x時(shí)提出的核心理念，據(jù)稱成為了其最終當(dāng)選的關(guān)鍵因素。既然是“再次”，那肯定有“首次”或“前幾次”。不出所料，特朗普喊出該口號(hào)后，即有好事者追問，“那么美國上次偉大在何時(shí)？”特朗普的回答倒是非常直截了當(dāng)：“20世紀(jì)初與‘二戰(zhàn)后。”的確，20世紀(jì)初是美國作為后起西方列強(qiáng)之一顯著崛起的時(shí)期，而“二戰(zhàn)”后美國更是到達(dá)了其力量與發(fā)展的巔峰，此時(shí)對(duì)于大多數(shù)美國人來說，“美國夢”（American Dream）簡直就是可望又可即的眼前現(xiàn)實(shí)。初看有些奇怪的是，這個(gè)標(biāo)題里“讓美國再次偉大”的主體是一種心理狀態(tài)——“懷舊”（nostalgia），而且動(dòng)詞用的是過去時(shí)。似乎這“懷舊”是推動(dòng)美國再次偉大的強(qiáng)動(dòng)力、主推器（powerful motivator），同時(shí)，似乎“讓美國再次偉大”并非一個(gè)較長期且漸進(jìn)的過程，而是話音剛落便一揮而就的事。當(dāng)然，一位年過七旬的老人，在美國相對(duì)衰落之際，在競選中打起懷舊牌，發(fā)誓要帶領(lǐng)美國重回歷史上曾有過的金色年華，這確實(shí)既政治有效又合乎自身邏輯，雖然這個(gè)標(biāo)題乍一看還是讓人有點(diǎn)驚訝。

經(jīng)驗(yàn)告訴我們，不管是未來藍(lán)圖還是過往榮光，其魅力往往與人們對(duì)現(xiàn)狀的失望成正比，尤其是后者，不是常聽人說，“人在痛苦時(shí)是最容易回首往事的”嗎？據(jù)原文稱，2016年調(diào)查發(fā)現(xiàn)，51%的美國人覺得自上世紀(jì)50年代以來美國的生活每況愈下，多達(dá)70%的美國人認(rèn)為美國社會(huì)在走下坡路?？磥恚乩势占捌涓傔x團(tuán)隊(duì)將民眾心理上的這個(gè)“柔軟點(diǎn)”抓得極其精準(zhǔn)，并充分意識(shí)到了人們幻想回到過去好時(shí)光的強(qiáng)烈情感需求。

原文作者用了大量的篇幅談?wù)搼雅f的心理運(yùn)行機(jī)制（innate psychological trait），其實(shí)就是一句話：懷舊乃過濾器，過濾掉的是負(fù)面、痛苦的經(jīng)歷，留下的是美好的記憶，哪怕事實(shí)并非如此美好。筆者最近在英國散文家蘭姆（Charles Lamb）的《伊利亞隨筆》里讀到一段，恰好可以給這種機(jī)制做注腳：

“I wish the good old times would come again，” she said， “when we were not quite so rich. I do not mean that I want to be poor； but there was a middle state”—so she was pleased to ramble on—“in which I am sure we were a great deal happier. A purchase is but a purchase now that you have money enough and to spare. Formerly it used to be a triumph. When we coveted a cheap luxury， we were used to have a debate two or three days before， and to weigh the for and against， and think what we might spare it out of， and what saving we could hit upon that should be an equivalent. A thing was worth buying then， when we felt the money that we paid for it.”

一個(gè)即便買個(gè)心儀已久的便宜貨都要反復(fù)掂量，甚至為此爭論兩三天的時(shí)代，卻被認(rèn)定為“要（比現(xiàn)在）幸福得多”。缺乏類似經(jīng)歷的人一定會(huì)覺得此人實(shí)屬“身在福中不知福”，但這其實(shí)就是懷舊心理在作祟！多年以后，留在這位女士記憶中的，已不再是當(dāng)時(shí)她可能極想擺脫的窘迫、操心、費(fèi)口舌乃至生活的艱辛，而是終于成功買下這件“奢侈品”的喜悅，以及精算如何能省吃儉用地補(bǔ)上這個(gè)缺口的成就感。這大概就是原文中所謂的“情感消退和玫瑰色回顧的心理偏誤”（psychological biases called fading affect and rosy retrospection）所引發(fā)的懷舊吧。

懷舊的機(jī)制讓筆者想到了一句當(dāng)代史學(xué)界常說的話——“所有的歷史都是當(dāng)代史”（原文中這句話大致可以借用：Our past is constantly shifting to accommodate our present），也就是說所有的歷史研究都應(yīng)該從當(dāng)代的視角去回看往昔，這與懷舊的主觀性過濾異曲同工，而其潛在的危險(xiǎn)也必將彼此共享，誤讀與誤釋便在所難免，史家所撰歷史與普通人的口述史都靠不住。錢鐘書先生也曾說過，有些人搞創(chuàng)作，往往想象力枯竭，而寫起自傳來，其想象力卻異常地豐富。這大致也是一種特殊的懷舊心理在作祟，即總愛把好事往自己身上囤積，一味往自己臉上貼金，而一生中犯過的錯(cuò)卻一筆勾銷。此種心態(tài)做法，恰恰正是原文作者所謂的“懷舊潛在的負(fù)面影響”（potential dark side of nostalgia）。