張 偉

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《水滸傳》成書(shū)于明初考
——基于袍服顏色的考察

張 偉

《水滸傳》成書(shū)時(shí)間是《水滸傳》研究中不可回避的重要問(wèn)題，也是該小說(shuō)研究中的老問(wèn)題。近年來(lái)有不少學(xué)者進(jìn)行了探討和研究，但研究結(jié)果并沒(méi)有縮小或者消除以往的分歧。文變?nèi)竞跏狼?，總?huì)烙上作者所處時(shí)代的印記?！端疂G傳》對(duì)人物的袍服顏色進(jìn)行了細(xì)致的描繪，根據(jù)這些具體描寫(xiě)和中國(guó)古代社會(huì)中的制度與習(xí)俗，此書(shū)的成書(shū)時(shí)間應(yīng)為章培恒等先生所考定的明代洪武或者永樂(lè)時(shí)期。

水滸傳；成書(shū)；袍服；顏色

即便從現(xiàn)代學(xué)者們的研究算起，《水滸傳》成書(shū)于何時(shí)也已稱得上是個(gè)歷時(shí)近百年的老問(wèn)題。近百年來(lái)，眾多學(xué)者從多個(gè)角度、多個(gè)方面進(jìn)行了探尋，但問(wèn)題至今仍然沒(méi)有得到很好的解決。由于文獻(xiàn)不足、材料舛錯(cuò)以及早期版本失傳等原因，學(xué)者們對(duì)依據(jù)外部證據(jù)得出的結(jié)論存在不少訾議之處，對(duì)基于小說(shuō)中的某些語(yǔ)句、某種器物等內(nèi)證繹而出的結(jié)論也抱持懷疑。因此，此書(shū)成書(shū)于元代、元末明初還是明中葉，仍有待于繼續(xù)考證。事實(shí)上，在新文獻(xiàn)難以發(fā)現(xiàn)的情況下，全面研讀小說(shuō)原著、深入掘發(fā)其內(nèi)證乃是必不可少的環(huán)節(jié)，這正如石昌渝先生所說(shuō)：“作為文學(xué)門(mén)類(lèi)的小說(shuō)，無(wú)論是以歷史還是以當(dāng)下現(xiàn)實(shí)為題材，無(wú)論是以現(xiàn)實(shí)人生還是以虛擬世界為題材，必定都會(huì)打上作者所處時(shí)代的烙印?！雹偈澹骸丁此疂G傳〉成書(shū)年代再答客難》，《文學(xué)遺產(chǎn)》2007年第5期。統(tǒng)觀全書(shū)，《水滸傳》對(duì)袍服顏色的描繪非常細(xì)致，由這些描寫(xiě)推定，此書(shū)應(yīng)成書(shū)于明初。

一、《水滸傳》袍服描寫(xiě)體現(xiàn)等級(jí)意識(shí)

中國(guó)古代社會(huì)崇尚禮治，服色作為“輿服”的重要內(nèi)容，屬于禮治的重要部分，早在商周時(shí)期對(duì)此已十分講究，秦漢以降的帝王們于御極之初每每要改易服色。董仲舒《春秋繁露·楚莊王》記載說(shuō)：“受命之君……故必徙居處，更稱號(hào)，改正朔，易服色者，無(wú)他焉，不敢不順天志，而明自顯也?！雹谫囇自骸洞呵锓甭督褡⒔褡g》，臺(tái)北：臺(tái)灣商務(wù)印書(shū)館，1984年，第12頁(yè)。除了報(bào)功章德、彰顯治功等功能外，輿服還具有區(qū)別等級(jí)的重要作用。周錫保先生說(shuō)：“所以孔子所曰：我從周制。所謂文章，其中包括當(dāng)時(shí)的各種制度，禮、樂(lè)、儀、服飾等的上下尊卑，等級(jí)分別等的體現(xiàn)。”③周錫保：《中國(guó)服飾史》，北京：中國(guó)戲劇出版社，1984年，第5頁(yè)。相對(duì)于古代的諸種衣服，袍服是古代官員們的朝服，在體現(xiàn)等級(jí)差別、地位高低方面的意味更為明顯，古今的學(xué)者們已經(jīng)對(duì)此進(jìn)行過(guò)論述。五代時(shí)馬縞《中華古今注》“袍衫”條說(shuō)：“袍者自有虞氏即有之，故《國(guó)語(yǔ)》曰‘袍以朝見(jiàn)也’。秦始皇三品已上綠袍深衣，庶人白袍，皆以絹為之?！雹荞R縞撰，吳企明點(diǎn)校：《中華古今注》，北京：中華書(shū)局，2012年，第109頁(yè)。當(dāng)代學(xué)者楊蔭深先生說(shuō)：“袍在漢以后即以為朝服之稱，其服色歷代均有規(guī)定，然唐以前尚無(wú)嚴(yán)格區(qū)別，且臣民均可服黃色。自唐以后，乃惟許天子服黃，臣民不得僭越，以迄清末還是如此?！?楊蔭深：《衣冠服飾》，上海：上海辭書(shū)出版社，2014年，第5頁(yè)?！端疂G傳》對(duì)袍服的顏色有著真切的描繪，這些內(nèi)容明顯體現(xiàn)了小說(shuō)中人物在等級(jí)和地位方面的不同。

首先，小說(shuō)中炳靈公、方臘等帝王類(lèi)形象多身著赭黃袍。根據(jù)中國(guó)古代的神仙譜系可知，炳靈圣公為東岳天齊仁圣帝第三子，據(jù)《宋史》記載，宋真宗時(shí)封為“炳靈公”*脫脫等撰：《宋史》卷一○二《禮志五》，北京：中華書(shū)局，2000年，第1671頁(yè)。，《三教源流搜神大全》則說(shuō)“大中祥符元年二月十五日封至圣炳靈王”*葉德輝輯：《三教源流搜神大全》，清宣統(tǒng)元年(1909)刻本，第33頁(yè)。。燕青去泰山東岳廟會(huì)爭(zhēng)跤時(shí)，他隨眾人來(lái)到岱岳廟，恰看到廟中所供奉的“炳靈圣公，赭黃袍偏稱藍(lán)田帶”*施耐庵、羅貫中著，凌賡等校點(diǎn)：《水滸傳》(容與堂本)，上海：上海古籍出版社，1988年，第1088頁(yè)。。方臘雖“僭越”稱帝，他為梁山英雄們所敗后從幫源洞山頂倉(cāng)皇逃走，為掩藏形跡，他在逃亡的路上“脫了赭黃袍，丟去金花幞頭，脫下朝靴，穿上草履、麻鞋”*施耐庵、羅貫中著，凌賡等校點(diǎn)：《水滸傳》(容與堂本)，第1451頁(yè)。。由炳靈圣公和方臘二人的裝束來(lái)看，小說(shuō)正以帝王形象來(lái)描繪他們的袍服。

對(duì)于帝室貴胄，小說(shuō)則描繪他們多穿紫袍。高俅受小王都尉指派去送鎮(zhèn)紙獅子及筆架，其時(shí)的徽宗尚為端王，映入高俅眼簾的端王“身穿紫繡龍袍”*施耐庵、羅貫中著，凌賡等校點(diǎn)：《水滸傳》(容與堂本)，第18頁(yè)。。林沖被發(fā)配至滄州牢城，他在路上曾前去造訪“也是龍子龍孫”*施耐庵、羅貫中著，凌賡等校點(diǎn)：《水滸傳》(容與堂本)，第773頁(yè)。的柴進(jìn)，柴進(jìn)的裝束當(dāng)時(shí)與端王甚為相似：

頭戴一頂皂紗轉(zhuǎn)角簇花巾，身穿一領(lǐng)紫繡團(tuán)龍?jiān)萍缗郏狄粭l玲瓏嵌寶玉絳環(huán)，腳穿一雙金線抹綠皂朝靴。*施耐庵、羅貫中著，凌賡等校點(diǎn)：《水滸傳》(容與堂本)，第128頁(yè)。

另外，小說(shuō)中地位較高的將領(lǐng)多穿紅袍。無(wú)論是宋朝戰(zhàn)將還是遼將，小說(shuō)均描繪過(guò)他們身穿紅袍。如秦明是“頭上朱紅漆笠，身穿絳色袍鮮”*施耐庵、羅貫中著，凌賡等校點(diǎn)：《水滸傳》(容與堂本)，第941頁(yè)。，索超則是“團(tuán)花點(diǎn)翠錦袍紅”*施耐庵、羅貫中著，凌賡等校點(diǎn)：《水滸傳》(容與堂本)，第941頁(yè)。。大遼副都統(tǒng)軍賀重寶“襯著錦繡緋紅袍，執(zhí)著鐵桿狼牙棒”*施耐庵、羅貫中著，凌賡等校點(diǎn)：《水滸傳》(容與堂本)，第1256頁(yè)。。兀顏統(tǒng)軍兩大先鋒中的瓊妖延納“身穿石榴紅錦繡羅袍，腰系荔枝七寶黃金帶”*施耐庵、羅貫中著，凌賡等校點(diǎn)：《水滸傳》(容與堂本)，第1272頁(yè)。。遼軍中的賀重寶、瓊妖延納地位尊崇，自非一般人物不同。秦明本是青州指揮司統(tǒng)制，是青州的最高軍事長(zhǎng)官。索超是深受梁中書(shū)器重的正牌軍，其級(jí)別難以完全證實(shí)于現(xiàn)實(shí)生活，但在大名府的地位同樣尊崇。

在描寫(xiě)地位較低的仆從、商人時(shí)，小說(shuō)又往往指出這些人的服裝多以褐色、白色為主。白玉喬伴女兒白秀英行走江湖，四處做笑樂(lè)院本，他出場(chǎng)時(shí)則“穿著一領(lǐng)茶褐色羅衫，系一條皂絳”*施耐庵、羅貫中著，凌賡等校點(diǎn)：《水滸傳》(容與堂本)，第755頁(yè)。。楊雄、石秀逃亡時(shí)在酒肆里遇到了做總管的杜興，杜興當(dāng)時(shí)所穿則是“茶褐綢衫”*施耐庵、羅貫中著，凌賡等校點(diǎn)：《水滸傳》(容與堂本)，第691頁(yè)。。武松被發(fā)配往孟州，在十字坡酒店遇到了張青，張青當(dāng)時(shí)的服飾則是“頭帶青紗四面巾，身穿白布衫”*施耐庵、羅貫中著，凌賡等校點(diǎn)：《水滸傳》(容與堂本)，第393頁(yè)。。

宋徽宗、方臘、柴進(jìn)等人皆著袍服，且顏色與各自的身份相稱。白玉喬、杜興、張青三人不但沒(méi)有穿袍服，而且所穿衣服也都是茶褐色衫、白布衫，其中透示的地位與“紫繡龍袍”、“緋紅袍”區(qū)別判然。

二、綠袍人物在《水滸傳》中頗受欣賞

《水滸傳》中所出現(xiàn)的袍服，就其顏色來(lái)說(shuō)有赭黃、紫、紅、綠、皂、白等色，以紅、綠二色為最多。由于綠袍所對(duì)應(yīng)的品級(jí)在明代具有明顯的變化，置之于具體的社會(huì)環(huán)境下考察，這有助于我們判斷小說(shuō)的成書(shū)時(shí)代。

綠袍有贊美好漢們的氣概、性情之意。并非所有的好漢在小說(shuō)中都穿袍子，但身穿綠袍的好漢除了其性情、本領(lǐng)有過(guò)人之處外，還往往具有較高的社會(huì)地位。

魯智深頗有俠肝義膽，史進(jìn)初見(jiàn)時(shí)便注意到他“是個(gè)軍官模樣”，曾做到關(guān)西五路廉訪使，社會(huì)地位不低，他“禪杖打開(kāi)危險(xiǎn)路，戒刀殺盡不平人”，五臺(tái)山主持智真長(zhǎng)老視為諸僧皆所不及。他在小說(shuō)中第一次出場(chǎng)時(shí)身上所穿即是綠色戰(zhàn)袍，小說(shuō)第三回《史大郞夜走華陰縣，魯提轄拳打鎮(zhèn)關(guān)西》中寫(xiě)道：

史進(jìn)看他時(shí)，是個(gè)軍官模樣。怎生結(jié)束？但見(jiàn)：頭裹芝麻羅萬(wàn)字頂頭巾，腦后兩個(gè)太原府紐絲金環(huán)，上穿一領(lǐng)鸚哥綠纻絲戰(zhàn)袍……身長(zhǎng)八尺，腰闊十圍。*施耐庵、羅貫中著，凌賡等校點(diǎn)：《水滸傳》(容與堂本)，第39頁(yè)。金圣嘆評(píng)點(diǎn)此段文字說(shuō)：“凡接寫(xiě)兩人全身打扮處，皆就衣服制度、顏色上互相照耀，以成奇景?！?陳曦鐘、侯忠義、魯玉川輯校：《水滸傳》(會(huì)評(píng)本)，北京：北京大學(xué)出版社，1987年，第85頁(yè)。這比較明確地道出了綠戰(zhàn)袍在刻畫(huà)魯智深形象時(shí)的重要作用。

在梁山諸英雄中，“仗義是林沖”，他在晁蓋等人進(jìn)退兩難之際火并王倫，促成梁山首次聚義，推進(jìn)了梁山大業(yè)的發(fā)展。但他功成而不居，金圣嘆稱其“豪杰有泰山巖巖之象”*陳曦鐘、侯忠義、魯玉川輯校：《水滸傳》(會(huì)評(píng)本)，第362頁(yè)。。在上梁山之前，他身居八十萬(wàn)禁軍槍棒教頭之職，外享有盛名，內(nèi)有賢妻，人生正當(dāng)快意之時(shí)，小說(shuō)描繪其灑脫與飄逸的精神氣度時(shí)正由綠袍加以渲托，小說(shuō)第七回《花和尚倒拔垂楊柳，豹子頭誤入白虎堂》寫(xiě)道：

智深聽(tīng)得，收住了手看時(shí)，只見(jiàn)墻缺邊立著一個(gè)官人。怎生打扮？但見(jiàn)：頭戴一頂青紗抓角兒頭巾；腦后兩個(gè)白玉圈連珠鬢環(huán)；身穿一領(lǐng)單綠羅團(tuán)花戰(zhàn)袍；腰系一條雙搭尾龜背銀帶。穿一對(duì)磕瓜頭朝樣皂靴；手中執(zhí)一把折疊紙西川扇子。那官人生的豹頭環(huán)眼，燕頷虎須……*施耐庵、羅貫中著，凌賡等校點(diǎn)：《水滸傳》(容與堂本)，第101頁(yè)。林沖豹頭環(huán)眼，燕頷虎須，威猛粗獷似張飛，但他手執(zhí)一把折疊紙西川扇子，則似較張飛多幾分儒雅。他身穿一領(lǐng)單綠羅團(tuán)花戰(zhàn)袍，自然應(yīng)與自己的地位、身份及氣質(zhì)相稱。

再如赫赫有名的好漢沒(méi)羽箭張清，他上梁山前曾以普通的石子將梁山十?dāng)?shù)位好漢打得丟盔棄甲、頭破血流。上梁山后，他與眾好漢在迎戰(zhàn)童貫、征伐大遼時(shí)立下不少戰(zhàn)功，其英姿亦多由綠戰(zhàn)袍襯出。小說(shuō)第七十六回《吳加亮布四斗五方旗，宋公明排九宮八卦陣》寫(xiě)道：

為頭的戰(zhàn)將是誰(shuí)？怎生打扮？但見(jiàn)：槍橫鴉角，刀插蛇皮，銷(xiāo)金的巾幘佛頭青，挑繡的戰(zhàn)袍鸚哥綠。腰系絨絳真紫色，足穿氣袴軟香皮。雕鞍后對(duì)懸錦袋，內(nèi)藏打?qū)⒌氖?；?zhàn)馬邊緊掛銅鈴，后插招風(fēng)的雉尾。驃騎將軍“沒(méi)羽箭”，張清哨(路)最當(dāng)先。*施耐庵、羅貫中著，凌賡等校點(diǎn)：《水滸傳》(容與堂本)，第1112頁(yè)。小說(shuō)第八十四回《宋公明兵打薊州城，盧俊義大戰(zhàn)玉田縣》又寫(xiě)道：

正戰(zhàn)之間，“沒(méi)羽箭”張清看見(jiàn)，悄悄的縱馬趲向陣前，卻有檀州敗殘的軍士，認(rèn)得張清，慌忙報(bào)知御弟大王道：“這對(duì)陣穿綠戰(zhàn)袍的蠻子，便是慣飛石子的。他如今趲馬出陣來(lái)，又使前番手段。*施耐庵、羅貫中著，凌賡等校點(diǎn)：《水滸傳》(容與堂本)，第1226頁(yè)。

魯智深“鸚哥綠纻絲戰(zhàn)袍”，林沖“單綠羅團(tuán)花戰(zhàn)袍”，“沒(méi)羽箭”張清則“戰(zhàn)袍鸚哥綠”，幾人戰(zhàn)袍花樣不同，但均為綠色卻大致無(wú)差，這些描寫(xiě)都說(shuō)明綠袍在體現(xiàn)好漢們形象及氣質(zhì)上具有重要作用。

秦明、索超等人在上梁山之前多身穿紅色袍服，他們的這種裝束與各自的性格有一定的關(guān)系，秦明綽號(hào)霹靂火，索超則是“急先鋒”，紅色戰(zhàn)袍正有助于顯示他們的性格急如烈火，烈似霹靂。但這并不意味著穿紅色袍服者的地位遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)高于穿綠色袍服者，另一位著名好漢關(guān)勝，為“漢國(guó)功臣苗裔”，曾被拜為“領(lǐng)兵指揮使”后統(tǒng)兵征討梁山，其裝束是“金甲綠袍相稱”*施耐庵、羅貫中著，凌賡等校點(diǎn)：《水滸傳》(容與堂本)，第953頁(yè)。，其職位不低，社會(huì)地位亦高，卻是身穿綠袍。由此可知，紅袍與綠袍在體現(xiàn)人物的地位上雖有差別，但沒(méi)有本質(zhì)的差別。

再?gòu)某⒌馁p賜來(lái)看，綠袍與紅袍的差別也不大。宋江力排眾議，堅(jiān)持招安，幾番周折之后，招安終于成行，這對(duì)朝廷來(lái)說(shuō)是大事，也是梁山發(fā)展過(guò)程中的“重重喜”。在如此重要的場(chǎng)合里，宋江等好漢獲得了徽宗欽賜的紅、綠二種衣袍。宋徽宗于宣德樓上觀看梁山好漢們的雄壯軍容，龍顏喜動(dòng)，且要求眾好漢皆換上御賜衣袍。小說(shuō)第八十二回《梁山分金大買(mǎi)市，宋公明全伙受招安》寫(xiě)道：

且說(shuō)道君天子，同百官在宣德樓上，看了梁山泊宋江等這一行部從，喜動(dòng)龍顏，心中大悅。與百官道：“此輩好漢真英雄也！”觀看嘆羨不已。命殿頭官傳旨，教宋江等各換御賜錦袍見(jiàn)帝。殿頭官領(lǐng)命，傳與宋江等。向東華門(mén)外，脫去戎裝慣帶，各穿御賜紅綠錦袍，懸?guī)Ы疸y牌面，各帶朝天巾幘，抹綠朝靴。惟公孫勝將紅錦裁成道袍，魯智深縫做僧衣，武行者改作直裰，皆不忘君賜也。*施耐庵、羅貫中著，凌賡等校點(diǎn)：《水滸傳》(容與堂本)，第1203頁(yè)。此處明寫(xiě)徽宗所賜為“紅綠錦袍”，公孫勝、魯智深、武松等人所著皆為紅色，三人都居身天罡星之列，由此推之，天罡星所得賜物當(dāng)為紅色，地煞星所得當(dāng)為綠色。綠袍或者稍次于紅，但同樣體現(xiàn)著皇帝對(duì)好漢們的欣賞，其所隱含的莊重喜慶之意應(yīng)與紅袍相似。

三、《水滸傳》中的袍服描寫(xiě)符合明初以前的習(xí)俗

綠袍作為公服具有很長(zhǎng)的歷史，在不同的時(shí)期，其代表的品級(jí)、隱含的意義也有所差異。明初以前，綠袍所顯示的地位和品級(jí)較高，明代中后期則明顯降低。朱元璋在洪武二十六年(1393)曾頒布律令，對(duì)公服的式樣、顏色作出新的規(guī)定。由律令內(nèi)容可知，著綠袍者的地位大為降低，明代林堯俞等纂修的《禮部志稿》記載：

洪武二十六年，定文武官公服。用盤(pán)領(lǐng)，右袵。袍或纻絲、紗、羅、絹，從宜制造。袖寬三尺。一品至四品緋袍，五品至七品青袍，八品、九品綠袍，未入流雜職官袍、笏、帶與八品以下同，公服見(jiàn)諸司職掌。*林堯俞等纂修：《禮部志稿》卷十八，《影印文淵閣四庫(kù)全書(shū)》第597冊(cè)，臺(tái)北：臺(tái)灣商務(wù)印書(shū)館，1986年，第323頁(yè)。徐溥等人編輯的《明會(huì)典》也說(shuō)：

文武官公服用盤(pán)領(lǐng)，右袵，袍或纻絲、紗、羅、絹，從宜制造，袖寬三尺。一品至四品緋袍，五品至七品青袍，八品、九品綠袍，未入流雜職官袍、笏、帶與八品以下同。*徐溥等纂修：《明會(huì)典》卷五十八，《影印文淵閣四庫(kù)全書(shū)》第617冊(cè)，第612頁(yè)。由此可知，明代洪武二十六年之后，穿綠袍者于官職中為最末等級(jí)，已經(jīng)等同于沒(méi)有品級(jí)的雜職。沈從文先生在《中國(guó)服飾史》中指出：

只見(jiàn)李逵放下綠袍，去了雙斧，搖搖擺擺，直至堂前，執(zhí)著槐簡(jiǎn)，來(lái)拜宋江。拜不得兩拜，把這綠袍踏裂，絆倒在地，眾人都笑。*施耐庵、羅貫中著，凌賡等校點(diǎn)：《水滸傳》(容與堂本)，第1095頁(yè)。壽張縣令聽(tīng)聞李逵到來(lái)之后慌張而逃，李逵則穿上綠袍，搖搖擺擺，假做斯文，并且將綠袍穿回，到梁山上參拜宋江，最后竟被踏裂的綠袍絆倒，此段描寫(xiě)體現(xiàn)了莊重文雅與草率魯莽之間的強(qiáng)烈反差，頗為詼諧滑稽。明朝縣令為正七品，小說(shuō)如果成書(shū)于明代中期以后，則壽張縣令的公服應(yīng)該為青袍，但小說(shuō)中卻一再描寫(xiě)為綠袍，這顯然與明代中后期的生活實(shí)際不相符合。

洪武二十六年的律令也明顯反映在明代中后期的文獻(xiàn)資料里，《金瓶梅詞話》對(duì)此也有一些相關(guān)的描寫(xiě)?！对~話》第四十六句敘述吳月娘、李瓶?jī)旱热瞬坟?，其占卜結(jié)果就反映出了明代官員的公服變化情況。

月娘道：“你卜這位奶奶。李大姐，你與他八字兒。”李瓶?jī)盒Φ溃骸拔沂菍傺虻??！逼抛拥溃骸叭魧傩⊙虻?，今年廿七歲，辛未年生的；生幾月？”李瓶?jī)旱溃骸罢率迦瘴鐣r(shí)?！蹦瞧抛硬忿D(zhuǎn)龜兒，到命宮上矻磴住了。揭起卦帖來(lái)，上面畫(huà)著一個(gè)娘子，三個(gè)官人。頭個(gè)官人穿紅，第二個(gè)官人穿綠，第三個(gè)穿青。懷著個(gè)孩兒，守著一庫(kù)金銀財(cái)寶，傍邊立著個(gè)青臉撩牙紅發(fā)的鬼。*蘭陵笑笑生：《金瓶梅詞話》，香港：太平書(shū)局，1982年，第1219頁(yè)。此段暗示了李瓶?jī)阂簧械娜齻€(gè)男人：花太監(jiān)、花子虛及西門(mén)慶。由小說(shuō)中其他人物的裝束可知，穿紅者應(yīng)是指花太監(jiān)。西門(mén)慶受蔡京抬舉提攜，“居五品大夫之職”*蘭陵笑笑生：《金瓶梅詞話》，第789頁(yè)。。就官服來(lái)看，“西門(mén)慶穿著青絨獅子補(bǔ)子，坐馬白綾襖子”*蘭陵笑笑生：《金瓶梅詞話》，第1007頁(yè)。，他的同僚夏提刑則“穿著黑青水緯羅五彩灑線猱頭金獅補(bǔ)子圓領(lǐng)”*蘭陵笑笑生：《金瓶梅詞話》，第915頁(yè)。。綜合《詞話》中所寫(xiě)，可知吳月娘等人卜卦時(shí)“卦帖”中出現(xiàn)的“穿青”者當(dāng)是西門(mén)慶，穿綠者則是花子虛?；ㄗ犹摮死^承花太監(jiān)的大量財(cái)產(chǎn)外，不過(guò)是個(gè)才智平平的酒色之徒，這正顯示出身著綠袍的身份地位在明代中后期已比較普通。同時(shí)，西門(mén)慶職居五品，所穿是青袍，其袍色與《禮部志稿》、《明會(huì)典》中所記制度的要求相合。

隋唐以后至宋元之間，朝廷在新科進(jìn)士釋褐時(shí)往往賜以綠袍，從社會(huì)心理來(lái)看，世人也多以身著綠袍為榮，題名為曾鞏所撰的《隆平集》有記載說(shuō)：

隋大業(yè)中始設(shè)進(jìn)士科，至唐為盛，每歲不過(guò)三十人，咸亨上元中增至八十人，既而復(fù)故。開(kāi)成間連歲放四十人，俄仍舊制。太宗即位，旬日之間放進(jìn)士三十三人，經(jīng)科百九十六人，并賜綠袍木簡(jiǎn)，未命官而釋褐新制也。*曾鞏：《隆平集》卷三，《影印文淵閣四庫(kù)全書(shū)》第371冊(cè)，第25頁(yè)。南北宋之際的王栐在《燕翼詒謀錄》中也說(shuō)：

國(guó)初，進(jìn)士尚仍唐舊制，每歲多不過(guò)二三十人。太平興國(guó)二年，太宗皇帝以郡縣闕官頗多，放進(jìn)士幾五百人，比舊二十倍。正月己巳，宴新進(jìn)士呂蒙正等于開(kāi)寶寺，賜御制詩(shī)二首。故事，唱第之后，醵錢(qián)于曲江，為聞喜之飲，近代于名園佛廟，至是官為供帳，歲以為常。先是進(jìn)士參選方解褐衣綠，是歲錫宴后五日癸酉，詔賜新進(jìn)士并諸科人綠袍、靴、笏。自后以唱第日賜之，惟賜袍、笏，不復(fù)賜靴。*王栐著，誠(chéng)剛點(diǎn)校：《燕翼詒謀錄》卷一，北京：中華書(shū)局，1981年，第4頁(yè)。至南宋末年，新科進(jìn)士釋褐后仍以綠袍為服，元代劉一清《錢(qián)塘遺事》有“赴省登科五榮須知”一條，對(duì)此也有記載：

兩覲天顏，一榮也。臚傳天陛，二榮也。御宴賜花，都人嘆美，三榮也。布衣而入，綠袍而出，四榮也。親老有喜，足慰倚門(mén)之望，五榮也。*劉一清：《錢(qián)塘遺事》卷十，丁丙等輯：《武林掌故叢編》第6冊(cè)，揚(yáng)州：廣陵書(shū)社影印本，2008年，第3451頁(yè)。此外，《武林舊事》卷二“唱名”一條所記更為詳盡：

關(guān)彥長(zhǎng)喪其婦，安陸鄭某往吊之。彥長(zhǎng)泣曰：“哀乎！吾婦之亡也。生無(wú)以與榮，今其死，奈何！幸子之來(lái)，其丐我十百字，以銘其墟而塞吾之悲也?！蹦持Z之。明日，彥長(zhǎng)走仆持札來(lái)曰……遇關(guān)試年，昆季皆登科，綠袍榮耀相先后，獨(dú)吾為布衣，吾婦未常以此自愧……*鄭獬：《鄖溪集》卷二十二，《宋集珍本叢刊》第15冊(cè)，北京：線裝書(shū)局影印本，2004年，第206頁(yè)。

科舉使一些士子朝為田舍郎，暮登天子堂，身著綠袍便是改換身份的重要象征，其榮耀自是非同尋常。至國(guó)家危亡之際，綠袍則成為檢驗(yàn)和衡量人物是否具有忠義愛(ài)國(guó)之心的重要標(biāo)志?！端问贰肪硭奈宥秴浅膫鳌匪浰瓶勺鳛樽⒛_：

德祐元年，建昌降。明年春，楚材還其鄉(xiāng)領(lǐng)村，糾集民兵?！募仁Ю曳υ?，大元兵誘降，其眾多解去。楚材走光澤，為人所執(zhí)?！で蹭浭聤淠狭加嵵唬骸叭旰螢殄e(cuò)舉？”楚材抗聲曰：“不錯(cuò)，不錯(cuò)。如府錄所為，乃大錯(cuò)爾。府錄受宋官爵，今乃為敵用事，還思身上綠袍自何而得？吾一鄙儒，特為忠義所激，為國(guó)出力，事雖不成，正不錯(cuò)也?！蹦狭祭⒍Z(yǔ)塞。*脫脫等撰：《宋史》卷四五二《吳楚材傳》，第10340頁(yè)。由傳文可知，吳楚材組織鄉(xiāng)兵抗元，兵敗被擒，不屈就義。他所說(shuō)的“府錄”婁南良曾為南宋官員，后背宋投元。吳楚材以“身上綠袍自何而得”相責(zé)，使婁南良“愧而語(yǔ)塞”，可見(jiàn)綠袍在此處已成為是否忠貞的重要體現(xiàn)。

Between Confucianism and Buddhism: The Characteristics of Chinese Philosophical Thoughts in Tang-Song Period

—Centered on the Buddhist Intention of Confucianism and Confucianization of Buddhism

Zhang Xinmin

Since the Tang and Song Dynasties, the Chinese academic tradition had benefited from the introduction of Buddhism, and then got the new development of Neo-Confucianism andlixue. From there, not only was the metaphysical and moral world of Confucianism established, the harmonious and interactive academic ecology among Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism also gradually formed. The characteristics and capability of Chinese culture striving to make sense of the spiritual life of human beings were further strengthened. The great Confucianists in the Northern and Southern Song Dynasties often associated with the Chan masters, and in fact Chan philosophy acted as their starting guide to experience and prove the Dao, which showed the historical trend of syncretism of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism, and also reflected the function on cultural adaption of traditional Chinese academics in the aspects of soul settlement and even religious need as a kind of intellectual achievement about the human being understanding the essence of universe and life.

The Internalization of Chinese Thought during the Tang, Song, Yuan, and Ming Dynasties and Its Crisis:

A Reflection from the Perspectives of Chan Buddhism, Neidan, and Neo-Confucianism

Zhai Kuifeng

The introduction of Buddhism into China had a great impact on the progress of Chinese thought; in particular, during Wei, Jin, the Southern and the Northern Dynasties, the widespread life difficulties as well as civilian psychological anxiety led to the popularity of Buddhism. Starting from Han Dynasty, the growing Mind-Nature Theory promoted the overall internalization of Chinese thought during Tang, Song, Yuan, and Ming Dynasties. Buddhism itself, as a kind of internal religion, concerns the nature of mind. The emergence of Chan Buddhism in the Tang Dynasty marked the completion of the movement of sinicization of Buddhism. Consequently, Buddhism became a kind of religion in respect to how one could understand his mind. Under the influence of Buddhism and in particular Chan Buddhism, Daoism successfully transited from Waidan to Neidan during Tang and Song Dynasties. At the same time, Neo-Confucianism transitioned from “Nature being Li” to “Mind being Li”, becoming a kind of Confucianism which emphasized transcendent internalization; as a result, it strengthened civilian awareness of independence and human dignity and promoted civilian ideological emancipation as well as their awareness of freedom, democracy, and equality. These results were clearly shown in Chan Buddhism and Taizhou School. However, the overly strong internalized thought to some degree blocked civilian curiosity and explorations of the natural world and mechanical technology. After the middle period of Ming Dynasty, Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism reached a balance on the Mind-Nature thought: they merged into one and ultimately caused the overall fossilization of Chinese thought. During the late period of Ming Dynasty, the Western Calendar defeated the Chinese Calendar, and this event signaled a deep crisis in Chinese thought. Western Christianity as well as natural sciences, which are of obvious external dispositions, were introduced into China in this period and promoted the externalization of Chinese thought thereafter. To pursue a balance between the internal and the external is the direction of the development of future Chinese cultures.

“Shadow of Flying Birds”: A Discussion of Observing Action through Inaction in Historical Studies

Luo Zhitian

To make sliced static observation of history, or to explore as far as possible the liveliness of life through still historical materials, are two different approaches. In operation, concrete studies are and can only be sliced or sectional, yet it is best for researchers to avoid sectional reflections, and present the dynamic of history as much as possible. The “shadow of flying birds” is similar to a static state of emergency brake in fast movement. Although the phenomenon seems to be solidified, one still can grasp the active posture and spirit through it. Viewing flying birds through the shadow is a penetrating way of observing action through inaction. Based on dynamic observations, researchers should also try their best to reflect on the modality that action and inaction containing in each other in the presentations.

Conceptual Discussion of Huanglao Theory

Chen Ligui

Huanglao Theory originated in the Warring States Jixia Academy. This theory was a combination of many theories with Taoism being the base theory. The theory utilizedLaoTzeand the name Huangdi as a goal for the theory. The target of the theory is to make the world a better place. The strategy is to combine the way of the “Tao” with law. Nature and politics should be one, and how one rules oneself and the country should be one in the same. The Huanglao theory combines the traditional theory of Lao Tze with law criteria. This will enable the theory to reach a higher level of superiority. Yin and Yang Theory is also incorporated in this new theory. The beginning structure was finished during the beginning of the Han Dynasty. Huanglao politics became a very efficient way to rule. On the other hand, this changed the theory of Lao Tze from “Tao” to “qi.” This led to the development of the basic understand ofqiin relation to the universe. This was also a major factor in the development of Chinese Medicine. Additionally, the conceptual theory was also taken from “Ru” and “Mo” theory. The law is created for the benefit of the citizens so the ruler should be the first person this law applies to Chinese people who have used the Huanglao theory to rule effectively for thousands of years.

A Discussion of Laozi’s Philosophical Thought and Philosophical Questions in Contemporary World

Dong Jingquan

People often say the “current global questions” all belong to the physical and practical issues. In a philosophical or metaphysical perspective, those can be generally reduced to the following questions: under rapid economic development, how to deal with the relation between human being and nature; under the severe imbalance between the scientific rationality and value rationality, how to redress the bias of scientism; under the condition of market economy, how to deal with the relationship between the group and the individual as well as the inter-individual relationship; with the pace of life becoming more and more fast, how to relieve people’s anxiety; and in an age of materialism, how to reconstruct the human world of value or significance. As Laozi overlooked the whole universe and human being from the height of “Tao”, which is the metaphysical noumenon of existence and value to the universe and social life, his observation and reflection on nature, human society, as well as the human mind and body must embody transcendency of time and space. Therefore, his philosophical thought can provide new approach and thinking resource for us to study and solve philosophical questions in the contemporary world.

On the “Civilization Transplantation” Theory and the Change of Kang Youwei’s Later Thoughts

Zhu Yitian

Kang Youwei, in his exile period, established the “civilization transplant” concept. It emphasizes that civilization is by no means a region, or a nation’s proprietary creation, but an achievement of exchange and collision with outside world. Thus, Kang Youwei asserted that there is no secret in the rise of modern European civilization. As long as there is the introduction of positive factors of foreign civilization, China’s rapid rise is not difficult. By enhancing the status of “substance,” Kang Youwei tried to break from the framework of “Westernized Chinese style.” On the other hand, Kang Youwei split “substance” from moral philosophy, refusing to judge the civilized society by “substance” standard and focusing more on the spirit of Chinese civilization. Therefore, he hovered between the diversity of world civilization and Chinese civilization centrism. That is why it is difficult to complete the integration of his theory, and the key point to interpret the Kang Youwei thoughts’ change from innovation to conservatism.

The Change of Feng Youlan’s Later Philosophical Thoughts:

Starting from the “Summary” ofANewHistoryofChinesePhilosophy

Li Jinglin

The “Summary” which Feng Youlan wrote for hisANewHistoryofChinesePhilosophy, shows a change from strictly distinguishing the form and intuitive content of a philosophical concept, to affirming that “the true philosophy is the combination of sense and intuition.” The foundation of the change is a change in philosophical idea. The internal mechanism of Feng’s change from highlighting “formal” idea in his early years to affirming the idea of “internal relation”, lies in the thought from “differentiating” to “transcending” universality and individuality, and then establishing the “concrete universal.” Viewing from the influence of Western philosophy, the change of his later thought took the opportunity of transcending Plato and New Realism by way of Hegel, and in this process, his acceptance of Marxism also helped. Such change should be understood as gradual prominence and consciousness of an intrinsic and potential meaning in his thought, with internal consistency in it.

Some Problems in the Studies of the “Maritime Silk Road”

Chen Zhiping

In recent years, under the efforts of all levels of governments, the studies of the “Maritime Silk Road” have quickly become a hot topic of academia and popular interest, with various activities and cultural festivals rising. Yet in an academic perspective, the oncoming wave of research on the “Maritime Silk Road” is much more like a mass action than deep, meticulous, and creative studies. The culture of “Maritime Silk Road” advocated by governments is quite positive on expanding the cultural influence in the world, as well as promoting exchange and cooperation with other countries in economics, politics, culture and so on. Academic studies should not be done as “old wine in a new bottle”, so researchers must exploit new fields, develop international perspective, and then present creative results as well as avoid utilitarianism or vulgarization. Thus can the studies of the “Maritime Silk Road” gain healthy developments.

The Establishment of Guards & Battalions and the Border Society:

The Official Group of the Regional Military Commission of

Ming Dynasty Sichuan and Their Social Lives

Peng Yong

There were only five Regional Military Commissions in the Ming Dynasty, but they had jurisdiction over much land, and Sichuan Regional Military Commission set in the Southwest border areas inhabited by minority nationalities was one of them. So far, correlational studies are very limited due to materials and methods. Starting from the essential attribute and idea of the establishment of guards and battalions, and focusing on the historical materials such as selection registers, true records, stele inscriptions, genealogy, collected works with some fieldwork, the author concludes that in the official group of the Commission, the hereditary military officers were specially transferred from relatively centralized region, while most of the civil servants were demoted. Each nationality lived in a delimited area; the Han officials mainly dispersed throughout the Anning River Valley, whose priority was to guard and keep local order; and Tusi (i.e. national minority hereditary headmen) managed subject people by order of the Imperial Court. The power struggles among Tusi, as well as growth and decline of different strata’s strength, but not the establishment of Guards and Battalions, acted as main cause for local turmoil. Affected by the long run of this establishment, there occurred great changes in the social lives of hereditary military officers and civil servants, including their marriages, families, religious beliefs, spiritual world and so on. Through each living family under this system, one could observe the inheritance and evolution of social organizations in the border society.

How to Settle the Public Property Disputes: A Case Study on Chongqing Hangbang in the Qing Dynasty

Zhou Lin

Based on the Baxian Archive, this article investigated 70 public property disputes in Qing Dynasty Chongqing, and discovered that the merchants of Chongqing Hangbang would rather settle these disputes through litigations than through mediations. Moreover, before the systematic reforms in late Qing Dynasty, the merchants of Chongqing Hangbang did established mutual-beneficial relationships with local officials and effectively protected their public property by lawsuits. But after the reforms have been put on the agenda, the whole thing changed. The local officials suffered from the increasing financial burden, and began to deprive the public property of Hangbang by lawsuits. Based on these facts, this article puts forward the model of “government-dominated rational market”, which means that the government dominated the market, but as long as the society and economy were stable, it was willing to leave a flexible space to promote commercial development. But if the political situation changed, the government officials might turn abruptly into the enemy of the merchants. Furthermore, the “autocratic rule” and the “rational market” coexisted in many regions of late imperial China.

“Dying from Carbuncle on the Back” and Chinese Historical Tradition

Pan Wuzheng

In Chinese history books, the kind of records of historical figures “dying from carbuncle on the back” can often be found. This disease was incurable in ancient times with very high mortality rate. The narrative element in historical biographies did not only mean true record, but also contain complex meanings, which embodied the crisis awareness of those figures, and became a metaphorical expression of the adherents’ death in late Ming and early Qing period. Because persons who were attacked by this disease would die in a quite deplorable state, historians integrated the idea of “Way of Heaven” into it, and in later ages, it evolved to an expression of curse. On the narrative technique, “dying from carbuncle on the back” could imply the emotions of some historical figures, reveal the tendency of historian’s appraisal, or render a strong tragic meaning. This element conformed to the ancient Chinese tradition of integration of literature and history, thus winning the favor of historians.

A Review of “Lüzuo” Recorded inRecordsoftheGrandHistorian

Meng Yanhong

The name “Lüzuo” seen in the “House of Chen She” ofRecordsoftheGrandHistorianrefers not to the subordinated people, the untouchable, the refugee, the vagrant, or the Village Assistant, but is rather textual corruption of the term “Lüwu”, which is the abbreviation of “Lüli (Village) Shiwu”. “Shiwu” refers to ordinary people without any ranks from age of corvee labor to age being exempted from taxes and corvée. People of the Han Dynasty were unfamiliar with the abbreviation, and additionally, the name “Lüzuo” could more show Qin’s tyranny, so they did not make further investigation, and such an error was then caused. Commentators of later ages just took the name literally, and their conclusions were insufficient.

A Textual Research of Writing Time and Place of Jiang Yan’s Poem “Overlooking Mount Jing”

Lu Lu

There has been controversy on the writing time and place of Jiang Yan’s poem “Overlooking Mount Jing”, and the problem concerns the studies of Jiang Yan’s official career in the years of Daming and Taishi of the Liu-Song period. By combing historical facts, and consulting Jiang’s poems and essays, it can be concluded that this poem was written in the fall of 468 AD, when Jiang Yan went to the mansion of Liu Xiuruo, the King of Prefecture Baling in Xiangyang by way of Mount Jing. At that time, Liu Xiuruo was not en-route to Xiangzhou, and still held the position of Yongzhou Regional Governor.

A Textual Research onTheWaterMarginBeing Completed in the Early Ming Dynasty:

Based on the Discription of Robe Color in the Book

Zhang Wei

The time whenTheWaterMarginwas finished is an important and age-old problem in the studies of the novel. In recent years, many scholars have made discussion and research of this problem, yet current results do not narrow or settle the difference. Literature is always influenced by the social mores, and baked the seal of the author’s times. InTheWaterMargin, the robe colors of the figures were meticulously described. According to those details as well as system and customs of ancient Chinese society, the completion of the novel should be in the period of Hongwu or Yongle in the Ming Dynasty as formerly examined by Zhang Peiheng and other scholars.

《文 史 哲》 2016 年 總 目 錄

□學(xué)術(shù)史研究

我們需要什么樣的學(xué)術(shù)史

——以中國(guó)古代文學(xué)研究為中心

魏晉南北朝史研究中的史料批判研究

橫跨中外 通達(dá)古今

——詮釋學(xué)與中國(guó)傳統(tǒng)哲學(xué)現(xiàn)代轉(zhuǎn)型的反思

晚清中國(guó)政論界的美國(guó)觀再檢討

——以梁?jiǎn)⒊绹?guó)憲法與政制觀為中心

文本詮釋與哲學(xué)史研究

子書(shū)崛起與書(shū)籍變革

新時(shí)期對(duì)漢賦經(jīng)典的重新建構(gòu)

“文明移植”論與康有為后期思想的轉(zhuǎn)向

馮友蘭后期哲學(xué)思想的轉(zhuǎn)變

——從《〈中國(guó)哲學(xué)史新編〉總結(jié)》講起

關(guān)于“海絲”研究的若干問(wèn)題

□中國(guó)哲學(xué)研究

儒學(xué)、自由主義的人性論與政治觀(筆談)

儒家烏托邦傳統(tǒng)與近代中國(guó)的激進(jìn)主義

人性善惡與民主、專(zhuān)制關(guān)系的再認(rèn)識(shí)

自由主義的人性論問(wèn)題

權(quán)利政治與責(zé)任政治

儒家與自由主義：

人性論分野及其歷史文化后果

中國(guó)早期文獻(xiàn)及考古材料中黃帝形象的研究

從楚簡(jiǎn)本、帛書(shū)本、北大漢簡(jiǎn)本及今本

看《老子》的編纂

對(duì)話圣賢與經(jīng)典

——孔子成圣之路與先秦諸子經(jīng)典的形成

論和同

論西漢黃老道家的去向

——以《淮南子·道應(yīng)訓(xùn)》所引《老子》為中心

“離形去知,同于大通”的宇宙無(wú)意識(shí)

——禪宗及禪悟的本質(zhì)新解

《四書(shū)》本《大學(xué)》與《禮記·大學(xué)》：

兩種文本的比較

我們應(yīng)該如何運(yùn)用出土文獻(xiàn)？

——王國(guó)維“二重證據(jù)法”的不可證偽性

邏輯方法還是倫理實(shí)踐？

——先秦儒墨“推類(lèi)”思想辨析

彌漫之氣：中國(guó)古代關(guān)于瘟疫“致”與“治”的思維模式

黃老思想要論

論老子哲學(xué)思想與當(dāng)代全球性哲學(xué)問(wèn)題

□中國(guó)社會(huì)形態(tài)問(wèn)題

華夏國(guó)家起源新論

——從“猴山結(jié)構(gòu)”到中央集權(quán)國(guó)家

中國(guó)古代對(duì)于君主專(zhuān)制的批判

中國(guó)是如何成為專(zhuān)制國(guó)家的？

□儒學(xué)研究

儒釋之間：唐宋時(shí)期中國(guó)哲學(xué)思想的發(fā)展特征

——以儒學(xué)的佛化與佛教的儒化為中心

心性化與唐宋元明中國(guó)思想的內(nèi)轉(zhuǎn)及其危機(jī)

——以禪宗、內(nèi)丹、理學(xué)為線索的思考

《綠窗新話》校釋引言

新學(xué)獨(dú)尊與兩宋之際的頌美辭賦

汪中駢文地位之反思

《洛神賦》：從文學(xué)到繪畫(huà)、歷史

從詩(shī)界革命到南社：新古體詩(shī)的蛻生

論東漢賦的歷史化傾向

論古代集句詞的基本特征及其發(fā)展原因

明清之際即墨黃氏家族的政治劫難

及其詩(shī)風(fēng)轉(zhuǎn)變

中古胡姓家族之族源敘事與民族認(rèn)同

“世界文學(xué)”的同與異及中國(guó)的境遇

武川鎮(zhèn)豪強(qiáng)酋帥在西魏北周府兵體系地位考論

——兼析陳寅恪府兵制研究的相關(guān)觀點(diǎn)

楊妙真新論

——研究現(xiàn)狀、基本事跡和評(píng)價(jià)問(wèn)題

帝國(guó)共和：從“清皇”到“大圣皇”

——關(guān)于“袁世凱加筆民國(guó)憲法草案”

隋代虞弘族屬及其祆教信仰管窺

“貍貓換太子”傳說(shuō)的虛與實(shí)

——后真宗時(shí)代：宋代士大夫政治下的權(quán)力博弈

馬王堆一號(hào)漢墓四重棺與死后仙化程序考

宇文氏東遷時(shí)間及與拓跋鮮卑的關(guān)系

唐后期五代諸軍州鎮(zhèn)屯田營(yíng)田的若干變化

——土地私有與國(guó)家基層政治體制的重建

從近代美國(guó)文獻(xiàn)看南海諸島的主權(quán)

六朝貴族的自律性問(wèn)題

——以九品官人法中鄉(xiāng)品與官品、官職的

對(duì)應(yīng)關(guān)系為中心

佛舍利崇拜的地理困境與感應(yīng)舍利之起源

——對(duì)佛教偶像崇拜歷史分流之認(rèn)識(shí)

《清代學(xué)者象傳校補(bǔ)》舉要

用腳表述：20世紀(jì)二三十年代

中國(guó)鄉(xiāng)村危機(jī)的另類(lèi)敘事

世界體系理論方法論的啟示意義

衛(wèi)所制度與邊疆社會(huì)：明代四川行都司的

官員群體及其社會(huì)生活

產(chǎn)何以存？

——清代《巴縣檔案》中的行幫公產(chǎn)糾紛

“疽發(fā)背而死”與中國(guó)史學(xué)傳統(tǒng)

□當(dāng)代學(xué)術(shù)縱覽

文化比較的思想誤區(qū)

——兼評(píng)安樂(lè)哲“儒家角色倫理”

□審美文化研究

數(shù)律化美學(xué)模型和形式美學(xué)體系框架

并非新說(shuō)：美是生命活力的表征

蔡儀美學(xué)思想的兩重邏輯

——馬克思主義美學(xué)低迷管窺

時(shí)空視閾下的審美心胸理論

□左翼文學(xué)問(wèn)題

馮雪峰“神話”魯迅的努力、困境和貢獻(xiàn)

□中國(guó)文論研究

論中國(guó)古代文學(xué)“傳統(tǒng)”的內(nèi)在作用機(jī)制

及相關(guān)理論表征

□文史新考

傅說(shuō)之名再考辨

——兼論“鳶”字及其他

東漢襄鄉(xiāng)浮圖考

徐增與金圣嘆交游新考

《史記》“閭左”發(fā)覆

江淹《望荊山》創(chuàng)作時(shí)地考

《水滸傳》成書(shū)于明初考

——基于袍服顏色的考察

□名家治學(xué)談

飛鳥(niǎo)之影：淺議歷史研究中的以靜觀動(dòng)

□學(xué)林春秋

“耿介拔俗”的一代史學(xué)巨匠

——丁山先生生平與學(xué)術(shù)

□政治哲學(xué)與法哲學(xué)研究

馬克思主義中國(guó)化與

中國(guó)多民族國(guó)家的現(xiàn)代重構(gòu)

論新保守主義政治思想的淵源、發(fā)展與影響

濡染與改造：

現(xiàn)代民主思想中國(guó)化過(guò)程中的民本觀念

我們?nèi)绾喂餐袆?dòng)？

——“同意理論”的當(dāng)代境遇

自由之目的：

對(duì)蕭公權(quán)自由主義觀的一種思考

法家分光鏡下的中國(guó)現(xiàn)代思潮

□動(dòng)態(tài)與綜述

“秋瑾、徐自華、吳芝瑛、呂碧城暨近代女性文學(xué)高層論壇”綜述

然而，以綠袍為榮的社會(huì)心理在當(dāng)時(shí)比較少見(jiàn)。在明代中期的史料中，幾乎沒(méi)有朝廷賞賜綠袍的記載，文人也極少再以身著綠袍為榮。在明代中后期的一些小說(shuō)作品中，身穿綠袍者的形象地位之低已甚為不堪?！队魇烂餮浴返谌怼队污憾己愕弦髟?shī)》中“綠袍皂履”者是冥王麾下的“綠衣吏”?！毒劳ㄑ浴分械谌啪怼陡５搲廴嵌仁馈分斜粍⒈镜酪粭U打落水中的“綠袍的人”竟是一只綠毛烏龜。身穿綠袍者降低為“綠衣吏”、綠毛烏龜，除了反映出世人對(duì)吏治腐敗的痛恨外，還體現(xiàn)出穿綠袍者多為地位不高的“吏”和普通的民眾，已降落至不再具備受人敬仰的社會(huì)階層。
《水滸傳》人物故事雖以北宋末年為背景，但卻不可避免地染上了作者的生活場(chǎng)景，衣服的顏色樣式自然會(huì)進(jìn)入作者筆端，從而成為今天考察小說(shuō)成書(shū)時(shí)間的重要參照。小說(shuō)曾寫(xiě)到宋江、柴進(jìn)扮作閑涼官至東京看燈，章培恒、駱玉明二位先生研究指出：明初曾為閑涼官制定特殊服色，并進(jìn)而認(rèn)為“《水滸傳》的寫(xiě)定則當(dāng)為洪武或永樂(lè)時(shí)期”*章培恒、駱玉明：《中國(guó)文學(xué)史新著》，上海：復(fù)旦大學(xué)出版社，2007年，第460頁(yè)。洪武二十六年是袍服顏色的意義發(fā)生改變的重要時(shí)間節(jié)點(diǎn)，小說(shuō)的描繪遵從了此前的制度習(xí)俗，則此書(shū)的成書(shū)時(shí)間應(yīng)如同章、駱二先生所說(shuō)。如果說(shuō)它成書(shū)于明代中后期，小說(shuō)還讓魯智深、林沖、張清等人綠袍加身，這與小說(shuō)實(shí)際表現(xiàn)出的對(duì)好漢們的贊譽(yù)實(shí)在有所不稱。
[責(zé)任編輯 劉 培]

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張偉，山東社會(huì)科學(xué)院文化研究所副研究員(山東濟(jì)南250002)。