By+Steven+Bertoni

現(xiàn)年36歲的賈里德·庫什納是名副其實的“高富帥”：身高一米九、有著英俊面龐的他是哈佛畢業(yè)的高材生，是紐約成功的地產(chǎn)商人兼媒體老板，有令人羨慕的事業(yè)和家庭，更是美國現(xiàn)任總統(tǒng)唐納德·特朗普的乘龍快婿、得力干將。今年4月，庫什納入選美國《時代周刊》年度“全球100位最具影響力人物榜”，再一次吸引了公眾的眼球。這位“第一女婿”究竟是如何獲得特朗普的信任并將其推上總統(tǒng)寶座的？且隨本文一起走近賈里德·庫什納，了解當年美國大選背后的故事。

Its been one week since Donald Trump pulled off the biggest upset in modern political history， and his headquarters at Trump Tower in New York City is a 58-story， onyx1）-glassed lightning rod. Barricades， TV trucks and protesters frame a fortified Fifth Avenue. Armies of journalists and selfie-seeking tourists stalk Trump Towers pink marble lobby， hoping to snap the next political power player who steps into view. Twenty-six floors up， the president-elect is choosing his Cabinet.

Winners will emerge shortly. The most compelling figure， however， wasnt in Trump Tower. Jared Kushner was three blocks south， high up in his own skyscraper， where he oversees his familys Kushner Companies real estate empire. Trumps son-in-law， dressed in an impeccably2） tailored gray suit， sitting on a brown leather couch in his impeccably neat office， displays the impeccably polite manners that won the 35-year-old a dizzying number of influential friends even before he had gained the ear， and trust， of the new leader of the free world. A year ago he had zero experience in politics and about as much interest in it. Suddenly he sits at its global center.

Running the Trump Campaign

Kushner almost never speaks publicly， but interviews with him and a dozen people around him and the Trump camp lead to an inescapable fact： The quiet， enigmatic young mogul delivered the presidency to the most fame-hungry， bombastic candidate in American history.

“Jared Kushner is the biggest surprise of the 2016 election，” says Eric Schmidt， the former CEO of Google. “Best I can tell， he actually ran the campaign and did it with essentially no resources.”

No resources at the beginning， perhaps. Underfunded3） throughout， for sure. But by running the Trump campaign—notably， its secret data operation—like a Silicon Valley startup， Kushner eventually tipped the states that swung the election4）. And he did so in a manner that will change the way future elections will be won and lost. President Obama had unprecedented success in targeting， organizing and motivating voters. But a lot has changed in eight years. Specifically social media. Clinton did borrow from Obamas playbook5） but also leaned on traditional media. The Trump campaign， meanwhile， delved into message tailoring， sentiment manipulation and machine learning. The traditional campaign is dead， another victim of the unfiltered democracy of the Web—and Kushner， more than anyone not named Donald Trump， killed it.

That achievement， coupled with the personal trust Trump has in him， uniquely positions Kushner to be a power broker6） of the highest order for at least four years. “Every president Ive ever known has one or two people he intuitively trusts，” says former secretary of state Henry Kissinger， “I think Jared might be that person.”

Jared Kushners ascent from Ivanka Trumps little-known husband to Donald Trumps campaign savior happened gradually. In the early days of the scrappy7） campaign， it was all hands on deck8）， with Kushner helping research policy positions on tax and trade. But as the campaign gained steam9）， other players began using him as a trusted conduit10） to an erratic11） candidate. “I helped facilitate a lot of relationships that wouldnt have happened otherwise，” Kushner says， adding that people felt safe speaking with him， without risk of leaks.

Kushners role expanded as the Trump ticket gained traction—so did his enthusiasm. Kushner went all-in with Trump last November after seeing his father-in-law pack12） a raucous13） arena in Springfield， Illinois， on a Monday night. “People really saw hope in his message，” he says. “They wanted the things that wouldnt have been obvious to a lot of people I would meet in the New York media world or the Upper East Side14）.” And so this Harvard-educated child of privilege put on a bright-red Make American Great Again hat and rolled up his sleeves.

Just as Trumps unorthodox style allowed him to win the Republican nomination， Kushners lack of political experience became an advantage. Unschooled in traditional campaigning， he was able to look at the business of politics the way so many Silicon Valley entrepreneurs have sized up other bloated industries.

“Jared understood the online world in a way the traditional media folks didnt. He managed to assemble a presidential campaign on a shoestring15） using new technology and won. Thats a big deal，” says Schmidt， the Google billionaire. “Remember all those articles about how they had no money， no people， organizational structure？ Well， they won， and Jared ran it.”

His Family

Controlled， understated and calm， Jared Kushner couldnt be more different from his father-in-law in personality and style. Take Twitter. While Trumps impulsive tweeting to his 15.5 million followers reportedly forced his staff to withhold his phone during parts of the campaign， Kushner has never posted a single tweet.

And whereas Trumps office is wall-to-wall16） Donald， a memorabilia17）-stuffed shrine to ego， the headquarters for the Kushner Companies is sparse and sober. A leather-bound copy of Jewish teachings， the Pirkei Avot18）， sits on a wooden pedestal19） in the reception room， and identical silver mezuzahs20） adorn the side of each office door. The only decoration in his large， terraced boardroom is an oil painting of his grandparents， Holocaust survivors who immigrated to the U.S. after World War II. But enter Kushners corner office and you see—under a painting with the words “Dont Panic” over a canvas of New York Observer pages—two critical commonalities that unite the pair： columns of real estate deal trophies and framed photos of Ivanka. If you are looking for a consistent ideology from either Kushner or Trump， it can be summarized in a word： family.

Jared and Ivanka met at a business lunch and started dating in 2007. During the courtship Kushner had met Donald only a few times in passing when， sensing the relationship was getting serious， he asked Trump for a meeting. Over lunch at the Trump Grill， they discussed the couples future. “I said， ‘Ivanka and I are getting serious， and were starting to go down that path，” Kushner says and laughs.

“He said， ‘Youd better be serious on this.”

“Jared and my father initially bonded over a combination of me and real estate，” Ivanka Trump says in her Trump Tower offices. “Theres a lot of parallels between Jared as a developer and my father in the early years of his development career.”

Like Trump， Kushner grew up outside Manhattan： New Jersey in Kushners case， versus Trumps Queens. Also like Trump， Kushner is the son of a man who created a real estate empire in his local market—Charles Kushner eventually controlled 25，000 apartments across the Northeast—and steeped his children in the family business. “My father never really believed in summer camp， so wed come with him to the office，” Kushner says. “Wed go look at jobs， work on construction sites. It taught us real work.” Raised with three siblings in an observant Jewish home in Livingston， New Jersey， Kushner went to a private Jewish high school and then to Harvard. Next came New York University， for a joint J.D. and M.B.A.

During grad school Kushner interned for Manhattans longtime district attorney， Robert Morgenthau， before a family scandal upended his life. In 2004 Charles Kushner pleaded21） guilty to tax evasion， illegal campaign contributions and witness tampering.

Just 24， Jared， as the elder son， suddenly found himself charged with keeping the family together. He saw his mother most days and flew to Alabama to visit his father in prison on most weekends. He also developed a deeper bond with his brother， Josh， who had just started Harvard when the scandal broke. Says Josh， who considers Jared his best friend： “He is the person that I turn to for guidance and support no matter the circumstance.”

“The whole thing taught me not to worry about the things you cant control，” Kushner says. “You can control how you react and can try to make things happen as you want them to. I focus on doing my best to ensure the outcomes. And when it doesnt go my way I have to work harder the next time.”

His Core Conviction

Part of the reason Jared Kushner has engendered such public interest， besides the power he suddenly wields and the curiosity generated by his near-invisible media presence， is the paradoxes that he represents.

He brought the Silicon Valley ethos， which values openness and inclusiveness， to a campaign that promised closed borders， trade protection and religious exclusion. A grandson of Holocaust survivors who serves a man who has advocated a ban on war refugees. A fact-driven lawyer whose chosen candidate called global warming a hoax， linked vaccines to autism and challenged President Obamas citizenship. A media mogul in a campaign stoked22） by fake news.

Kushners answers to these conflicts come down to one core conviction—his unflagging23） faith in Donald Trump. A faith that he defends with the “data” hes accumulated about the man over a decade-plus relationship.

“If I know somebody and everyone else says that this persons a terrible person，” he says， “Im not going to start thinking that this persons a terrible person or disassociating myself， when my empirical24） data and experience is a lot more informed than many of the people casting these judgments. What would that say about me if I changed my view based on what other people think， as opposed to the facts that I actually know for myself？”

And that seems to reflect how Kushner feels about friends upset by his role in electing someone who offends their values， to the point where， before the election， several wrote to him in fits of pique25）. “I call it an exfoliation26）. Anyone who was willing to change a friendship or not do business because of who somebody supports in politics is not somebody who has a lot of character.” “People are very fickle27），” he adds. “You have to find what you believe in， challenge your truths. And if you believe in something， even if its unpopular， you have to push with it.”

Many of those fickle friends are likely to return now that Kushner， after masterminding Trumps stunning victory， has the ear of the future president. What he will do with that power is anyones guess.

“I assume hell be in the White House throughout the entire presidency，” says News Corp. billionaire Rupert Murdoch. “For the next four or eight years hell be a strong voice， maybe even the strongest after the vice president.”

距離唐納德·特朗普實現(xiàn)現(xiàn)代政治歷史上最大的反轉(zhuǎn)已經(jīng)一周之久了（編注：英文原文發(fā)表于2016年11月22日）。其總部特朗普大廈位于紐約市，是一座高58層、外墻由縞瑪瑙玻璃裝飾的建筑，就像一根避雷針。路障、電視采訪車以及抗議者紛紛聚集在戒備森嚴的第五大道外圍。各路的新聞工作者和沉迷于自拍的游客出沒在特朗普大廈粉紅色的大理石大廳，只等這位新任政治權(quán)力玩家一露面，就拍下其身影。而在樓上的26層，這位侯任總統(tǒng)正在決定他的內(nèi)閣人選。

入選名單不久便會公布。然而，最引人注目的人物并不在特朗普大廈內(nèi)。賈里德·庫什納在此處以南三個街區(qū)之外，高坐于自己的摩天大樓中，從那里他可以俯視自家?guī)焓布{集團的房地產(chǎn)帝國。特朗普的這位女婿穿著無可挑剔的定制灰色西裝，坐在自己整潔得無可挑剔的辦公室里的棕色皮沙發(fā)上，舉手投足溫文爾雅，無可挑剔。即使在他還未獲得這個自由世界新領導人的賞識和信任之前，這個35歲的年輕人憑借其優(yōu)雅風度結(jié)交了大量舉足輕重的朋友。一年前，他還從未涉足政治領域，對其也毫無興趣。一夜之間，他便置身于全球政治的中心位置。

掌舵特朗普競選

庫什納幾乎未曾公開發(fā)表過演說，但對他的采訪以及對他身邊及特朗普陣營十幾個人的采訪無不表明這樣一個事實：這位內(nèi)斂而神秘的年輕巨亨為美國歷史上最追求名望、夸夸其談的候選人贏得了總統(tǒng)之位。

谷歌前CEO埃里克·施密特表示：“賈里德·庫什納是2016年大選中最大的驚喜。就我知道的情況看，他實際負責此次競選，并且基本上沒什么資源?！?/p>

一開始可能真的沒什么資源。整個競選過程中資金肯定也不充足。但以運作硅谷新公司的方式來運作特朗普的競選，尤其是其秘密的數(shù)據(jù)運作，庫什納最終撬動了那些搖擺州。而他的做法將改變未來決定總統(tǒng)選舉勝負的方式。奧巴馬總統(tǒng)曾在對其選民的確定、組織和動員方面取得過空前的成功。但八年來許多事情都發(fā)生了變化，尤其是社交媒體。希拉里陣營確實借鑒了奧巴馬的戰(zhàn)略經(jīng)驗，但還是依賴于傳統(tǒng)媒體。與此同時，特朗普陣營則細致研究信息定制、情感操控和機器學習。傳統(tǒng)的競選已經(jīng)死了，成為泥沙俱下的網(wǎng)絡民主的又一個犧牲品——對于其死亡，庫什納比唐納德·特朗普之外的其他任何人都發(fā)揮了更大的作用。

這樣的成就，加上特朗普個人對其的信任，使得庫什納在接下來至少四年內(nèi)，成為唯一的最高級別的權(quán)力經(jīng)紀人。美國前國務卿亨利·基辛格說：“據(jù)我所知，每位總統(tǒng)都有一兩位本能上非常信任的人。我覺得賈里德很可能就是這樣的人?！?/p>

賈里德·庫什納從伊萬卡·特朗普默默無聞的丈夫擢升為唐納德·特朗普競選的救星，這經(jīng)歷了一個循序漸進的過程。剛開始的時候競選雜亂無章，所有人都上陣，庫什納協(xié)助研究在稅收和貿(mào)易問題上應采取什么樣的政策立場。但是隨著競選聲勢越來越大，其他相關人員開始將他當作可信任的渠道，來和那位不按常理出牌的候選人進行溝通。庫什納說：“我協(xié)助建立了許多關系，這些關系原本不可能建立?！彼€表示，人們和他交談很放心，不用擔心談話會被泄露。

隨著特朗普選票的增多，庫什納所起的作用也愈發(fā)重要，他的熱情也隨之高漲。2015年11月一個星期一的夜晚，他看到岳父在伊利諾伊州斯普林菲爾德市一個競選集會場所揮斥方遒，全場擠滿的人為之吶喊，之后便全身心投入到競選當中。他說：“人們在他的演講中真正看到了希望。他們想要的那些東西，都是我在紐約的媒體圈子和上東區(qū)遇到的很多人察覺不到的?！庇谑牵@位哈佛出身的權(quán)貴公子戴上印有“讓美國再次偉大”的大紅色帽子，擼起袖子準備大干一場。

特朗普離經(jīng)叛道的風格為他贏得了共和黨的提名，同樣，庫什納在政治領域的一片空白也成了一個優(yōu)勢。他沒有學習過傳統(tǒng)的競選技巧，反倒能以許多硅谷的企業(yè)家看待過剩產(chǎn)業(yè)的眼光來看待政治事務。

谷歌億萬富翁施密特說：“賈里德對網(wǎng)絡世界的理解與傳統(tǒng)媒體人士完全不同。他利用新技術，沒花多少錢就組織起了一場總統(tǒng)競選，并贏取了勝利。這是件了不起的事。還記得很多報道都說過他們?nèi)绾稳卞X，如何缺人，如何缺乏組織架構(gòu)嗎？可是，他們贏了，掌舵人就是賈里德。”

他的家庭

賈里德·庫什納自律、低調(diào)、冷靜，在性格和風格上與他的岳父存在天壤之別。以推特為例，特朗普會憑一時沖動向他的1550萬關注者推送消息，據(jù)說這迫使他的團隊在競選的部分階段沒收了他的手機，而庫什納則從未發(fā)過一條推文。

而且，特朗普的辦公室隨處可見特朗普的痕跡，到處都是特朗普的紀念品，如同一所自我崇拜的神堂，而庫什納集團的總部則空曠而樸素。一本皮面裝訂本的猶太教義《父輩的倫理》放在接待室的木質(zhì)底座上，每間辦公室的門框上都裝飾著一模一樣的銀質(zhì)門柱圣卷。在他帶有露天平臺的大會議室里，唯一的裝飾物是一幅畫有他祖父母的油畫。他的祖父母是猶太人大屠殺的幸存者，二戰(zhàn)后移民來到美國。但進入庫什納在轉(zhuǎn)角處的辦公室后，你會看到一幅印有《紐約觀察家》報版面的油畫，畫上印有“Dont Panic”（意為“處變不驚”）的字樣。在畫的下方，你會發(fā)現(xiàn)可將庫什納和特朗普聯(lián)系在一起的兩個重要的共性：一排排房地產(chǎn)交易的獎杯和鑲有相框的伊萬卡的照片。如果你想尋找?guī)焓布{和特朗普在思想上有什么共性，有一個詞可以概括：家庭。

賈里德和伊萬卡是在一個商業(yè)午餐會上相遇的，兩人2007年開始約會。戀愛期間，庫什納僅僅順便見了唐納德幾面。當庫什納覺得兩人的關系漸漸確定下來后，他提出要正式拜會特朗普。在特朗普燒烤餐廳，他們討論了這對情侶的未來。庫什納笑著說：“我說，‘伊萬卡和我是認真的，而且我們準備相處下去?！?/p>

“唐納德說，‘這件事上，你最好不要開玩笑?！?/p>

“賈里德和我父親一開始是因為我和房地產(chǎn)聯(lián)系在了一起，賈里德作為一個房地產(chǎn)開發(fā)商，與青年時期開辟事業(yè)的父親有很多相似之處?！币寥f卡·特朗普在特朗普大廈里自己的辦公室中這樣說道。

跟特朗普一樣，庫什納成長于曼哈頓之外的地方：庫什納在新澤西州長大，特朗普則在皇后區(qū)。另一個相似之處在于，庫什納跟特朗普一樣，都是當?shù)胤慨a(chǎn)大鱷之子——查爾斯·庫什納最終握有東北地區(qū)25000處公寓，并讓自己的孩子們浸淫在家族產(chǎn)業(yè)之中。庫什納說：“我父親從沒有真正相信過夏令營，所以我們跟著他去辦公室，我們得看別人是怎么工作的，要在建筑工地上打工。這教會我們?nèi)绾握嬲ぷ鳌！睅焓布{和三個兄弟姐妹一同在新澤西州利文斯頓市一個遵守教義的猶太家庭中長大，后來進入一所私人猶太高中，隨后在哈佛大學讀書。畢業(yè)之后他前往紐約大學，攻讀法學博士和MBA雙學位。

讀研期間，庫什納在曼哈頓一位老牌地方檢察官羅伯特·摩根索的手下做實習生。后來，他的人生因家族丑聞而徹底改變。2004年，查爾斯·庫什納承認了逃稅、非法提供競選資金和干擾證人的罪狀。

當時賈里德才24歲，作為長子，他一夜之間發(fā)現(xiàn)自己身負維系家庭的責任。他大部分時間都會去探望母親，大多數(shù)周末會飛到亞拉巴馬州去探望正在坐牢的父親。丑聞爆發(fā)之初，他弟弟喬希才剛剛進入哈佛，這件事使得兩兄弟的手足之情更加深厚。喬希將哥哥視為密友，他說：“無論出現(xiàn)什么情況，我都會向哥哥尋求幫助和支持?！?/p>

庫什納說：“這一切教會我不要去擔心自己無法掌控的事情。你可以掌控的是如何應對以及嘗試讓事情按照你想要的方式去發(fā)展。我一門心思竭盡全力，以確保能有好的結(jié)果。當結(jié)果并不如我所愿時，我只能下次更加努力?！?/p>

他的核心信仰

賈里德·庫什納引起公眾如此的關注，除了他突然擁有的權(quán)力以及因為他幾乎不在媒體露面所引發(fā)的好奇心之外，部分也是因為他所展現(xiàn)出的矛盾性。

他將硅谷注重開放和包容性的氣質(zhì)帶入一場承諾關閉邊境、貿(mào)易保護和宗教排斥的競選。他是猶太人大屠殺幸存者的后裔，卻服務于一個提倡限制戰(zhàn)爭難民的人。他是一位注重事實的律師，卻選擇了一位稱全球變暖為騙局、將疫苗接種與自閉癥聯(lián)系起來以及質(zhì)疑奧巴馬總統(tǒng)公民權(quán)的競選人。他是一位傳媒大亨，卻掌舵一場由虛假新聞催生的競選。

對于所有這些矛盾，庫什納的答案都在于一個核心信仰——對于唐納德·特朗普，他深信不疑。他用與特朗普十多年的關系積累下來的“數(shù)據(jù)”來維護自己的這份信任。

他表示：“如果我認識某個人，但其他人都說這個人很差勁，當我自己所掌握的實際數(shù)據(jù)和經(jīng)驗比其他很多做出這些判斷的人更豐富時，我不會就此認為那個人很差勁，也不會因此與之保持距離。如果我置自己掌握的事實于不顧，隨大流改變自己的看法，那外界又會怎么看我呢？”

這似乎反映了庫什納對于有些朋友的態(tài)度。這些朋友因為庫什納選擇了違背他們價值觀的參選人而苦惱萬分，有幾個人甚至在選舉開始之前還惱怒地給庫什納寫過信?！拔野堰@看作是一個剝離的過程。僅僅因為我在政治上支持某個人，就想要終止一段友誼或停止商業(yè)往來的人，定力都不夠?！彼€說：“人們總是非常善變。你必須找到自己的信仰，挑戰(zhàn)你所認為的真理。如果你堅信某些東西，即使那并非主流，你也要堅持下去?！?/p>

庫什納運籌帷幄幫特朗普意外贏得大選后，獲得了這位未來總統(tǒng)的賞識，因而許多善變的朋友可能都會回來。而他將如何運用這份權(quán)力，這誰都拿不準。

新聞集團的億萬富翁魯伯特·默多克表示：“我確信，在特朗普在任期間，庫什納會一直在白宮。在未來的四年或八年里，他會發(fā)出強有力的聲音，甚至僅次于副總統(tǒng)?！?/p>

特朗普大廈

1. onyx [??n?ks] n. [礦]縞瑪瑙

2. impeccably [?m?pek?b（?）li] adv. 無可挑剔地

3. underfunded [??nd?（r）?f?nd?d] adj. 資金不足的

4. 指“搖擺州”（swing state），美國大選中的特有說法，即競選雙方勢均力敵、均無明顯優(yōu)勢的州。這些州在大選中頻頻搖擺，倒向不同的政黨，其選票是競選雙方爭奪的重點。搖擺州的動向往往直接影響大選的結(jié)果。

5. playbook [?ple?b?k] n. [橄]戰(zhàn)略和比賽方法手冊

6. power broker：（能影響有權(quán)勢人物以操縱權(quán)力的）權(quán)力經(jīng)紀人

7. scrappy [?skr?pi] adj. 零碎的;支離破碎的

8. all hands on deck：原意為“全體船員各就各位”，即當船遇險或發(fā)生緊急情況時，要求所有船員上甲板共同面對?，F(xiàn)用于號召所有人同心合力應對需要及時完成的事情。

9. gain steam：開始發(fā)展壯大

10. conduit [?k?nd?t] n. 渠道;管道

11. erratic [??r?t?k] adj. 不規(guī)則的;不正常的;反復無常的，難以預測的

12. pack [p?k] vt. 塞滿，（使）擠滿

13. raucous [?r??k?s] adj. 喧鬧的

14. the Upper East Side：上東區(qū)，位于紐約曼哈頓，美國有名的富人區(qū)。

15. on a shoestring：用很少的錢做或辦某事

16. wall-to-wall：無處不在的，到處可見的

17. memorabilia [?mem（?）r??b?li?] n. （有關某人的）值得紀念的事物，紀念品

18. Pirkei Avot：猶太教經(jīng)典《父輩的倫理》

19. pedestal [?ped?st（?）l] n. 底座

20. mezuzah [me?zu?z?] n. 門柱圣卷，猶太人在門框上掛放的經(jīng)文楣銘

21. plead [pli?d] vt. [律]承認，認罪

22. stoke [st??k] vt. 煽起，鼓動

23. unflagging [?n?fl?ɡ??] adj. 不減弱的，不改變的

24. empirical [?m?p?r?k（?）l] adj. 實證的;以經(jīng)驗為依據(jù)的

25. in fits of pique：賭氣地;慍怒地

26. exfoliation [eks?f??li?e??（?）n] n. 剝落;脫落

27. fickle [?f?k（?）l] adj. （在感情等方面）易變的